1. Introduction

Hong Kong is one of the most populated cities in Hong Kong, with a population density of 6,740 people per square kilometre in 2022 (CSD, 2023). With its high flexibility and mobility, itinerant hawkers have played a crucial role in the local economy for patrons to buy necessaries. They are usually found on the streets with high pedestrian flow, such as urban areas and new towns in New Territories. However, during the 1970s, Itinerant Hawker Licences were issued, when the succession and transfer of licences were banned. The number of hawker licences has dropped drastically from 1,147 in 2000 to 295 in March 2023 (FEHD, 2023). Under this observation, the project aims to investigate the conflict of space between hawkers and different stakeholders, under the cultural geographical perspective of power relations.

2. Cultural Geographical Perspective in Use

With the possible conflict between different cultural groups mentioned above, we would like to introduce one of the cultural geography perspectives – power relations, to show how the power relations shape the conflict of public spaces between hawkers and the government. According to the analysis of power relations mentioned by Foucault, “when there is power, there is resistance” (Mathias, 2014). Power is not solely held by a particular group or institutions but dispersed throughout the society. Resistance is not a single act, but a continuous process emerges from power structures. The power-resistance theory allows the forced group to resist and challenge oppressive power authority.

Applying this study, the hawkers have created their spaces in public areas, to meet the commercial needs of the citizens and maximise their profits. The mobility of the hawkers allows them to extend their power to other public spaces. On the other hand, the government has imposed strict restrictions on the hawkers, such as the issuing system and overwhelming law enforcement, which limits the locations and period for hawkers to reach potential customers. Moreover, the nearby shops and residents may not allow hawking activities near the buildings, as they conflict with the current usage of the buildings. How do these stakeholders define the usage of public space? As the space is very limited in Hong Kong, especially in densely populated areas, how does the power relations between different stakeholders form the conflict of space between them, and shape the space of hawkers? This will be our focus of the analysis.

3. Empirical Analysis

Dominating power and hegemony

In hawker culture, power relationships are complex and encompass various factors, including the government's legal authority, social norms, and social recognition. Legal authority plays a significant role as dominating power in this context as it establishes rules and regulations governing the behaviour and operations of hawkers while providing the government with tools for management and oversight. The influence of legal authority extends to aspects such as the range of hawker activities, the allocation of stall locations, and the granting of operating permits.

Over the years, the authorities have implemented policies aimed at effectively regulating licensed hawker activities and taking law enforcement actions against unauthorised vending. (2023, September 14) We can see the following from the website of the Food and Environmental Hygiene Department of Hong Kong. Starting from the early 1970s, the issuance of new hawker licences has largely ceased. However, following a review of hawker licensing policies in 2009, the Director of Food and Environmental Hygiene authorised the issuance of 61 new licences for mobile (frozen dessert) hawkers and 218 new licences for fixed stalls (other categories) between July 2009 and April 2012. Under the current hawker policy, licences for fixed stalls can only be "inherited" or "transferred," and there are no plans to issue new licences for mobile hawkers (FHED, 2022). Consequently, the number of hawkers is expected to continue declining.

Cultural hegemony refers to the dominance of one cultural group over others through coercion, regulation, or the tacit acceptance of society. In managing and regulating hawkers, the government employs legal frameworks and institutional mechanisms. However, there are instances where the government excessively emphasises its authority and control while overlooking the rights and participation of hawkers. In some cases, there may even be instances of the government abusing its power to suppress hawkers, indicative of the presence of hegemonic practices.

Government’s actions towards itinerant hawkers

Comprehensive measures were adopted to crack down on the space of the itinerant hawkers. Besides hard measures including law enforcement and banned licence issuance, soft measures are used to incentivize surrendering their licences. The government is targeting to integrate itinerant hawkers into the city’s formal economy, incenting them to become hawkers in a fixed pitch like operating in a stall in the government’s wet markets and a stall with a fixed location on the street (HK01, 2023). However, the action in disguise is forcing the itinerary hawkers to pay unaffordable rent and run the business as normal merchants, altering the original traces and business practices.

Since the end of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Hong Kong government has been seeking to stimulate the economy and boost consumer spending. On September 14, 2023, they launched "Hong Kong Night Delights," a research initiative aimed at promoting the nighttime economy through night markets. However, the government has yet to introduce a new plan for issuing licences to itinerant hawkers, and the number of compliant vendors has been dwindling due to their ageing population. While the government's initiative is commendable in theory, it has failed to truly address the concerns that would benefit the itinerant hawkers, making it difficult to satisfy the needs of different cultural groups.

Resistance of the itinerary hawkers

Power is not unidimensional, and the government will meet resistance and challenge when it is exercising executive and legal power. In the case of itinerary hawkers, they have no access to the dominant power, and they adopt different measures to navigate the power dynamics.

“Dawn Markets” in Sham Shui Po (Source: HK01)

For example, they may grasp the patterns of inspection carried out by the officers from the Food and Environment Hygiene Department. Hawkers will take advantage of the dawn when the officers have not begun their patrols. They set up the famous “dawn markets”, which normally operate from 5-8 am to evade the officers. These markets are very prevalent in poorer districts around Hong Kong, as grassroots bought daily necessities with a cheap price before going to work. Meanwhile, they have established some sort of unspoken rules with the officers, who will not enforce the law on special occasions such as public holidays (Initium Media, 2016).

Meanwhile, hawkers endeavour for their legal status. Despite having little access to political power, they can leverage their economic and cultural power to navigate and challenge the dominant power held by the government.

Economically, hawkers provide affordable options for the grassroots to buy their daily goods. Many grassroots and retirees also rely on hawking for extra income. Hong Kongers viewed street vendors as a cultural emblem of the city, which adds diversity to the otherwise monotonous and unitary communities. Their economic significance and cultural value surges, as the government wishes to revitalise the night economy, and to emphasise on the cultural uniqueness of the city to attract tourists (HK01, 2023).

Their efforts have made progress in some sense, as local newspapers and lawmakers begin to advocate for reissuing licences for street vendors (HK01, 2023).

Legal Itinerary hawkers outside Shek Mun MTR Station (Source: Self-taken Photo)

4. Conclusion

To strive under the dominating power of government’s legal authority, the itinerant hawkers employ various strategies to navigate power dynamics. The resistance from the vendors demonstrates their resilience and unrelenting spirit to fight for their spaces despite facing harsh measures and regulations. As its economic and cultural values, hawkers are one of the unique cultural symbols in Hong Kong. As the new initiative to promote and restore the city’s economy in the post-COVID era, in the near future, we may see the hawker’s legal status, being forced and vulnerable in a few decades, may start to change at the same time.

References

Census and Statistics Department (CSD) (2023). Hong Kong in Figures, 2023 Edition.

FHED (2022). Hawker Control. Food and Environmental Hygiene Department. https://www.fehd.gov.hk/english/pleasant_environment/hawker/overview.html

HK01 (2023, June 19). 小販之苦·下｜從公共空間到城市想像 香港連小販都容不 下嗎？ 香港01 。 https://www.hk01.com/article/904686?utm_source=01articlecopy&utm_medium=referral

HK01 (2023, August 28). 香港仔天光墟商戶收告票停業 業界：象徵漁港文化吸引遊客應保留。香港01。 https://www.hk01.com/article/932281?utm_source=01articlecopy&utm_medium=referral

HK01 (2023, May 17). 來稿｜打造小販經濟提升治理溫度 還給香港多些煙火氣。 香港01。 https://www.hk01.com/article/898882?utm_source=01articlecopy&utm_medium=referral

HK01 (2023, September 14). 固定小販攤檔20年減逾2千檔,呢區剩最多,有類攤販 只剩5檔恐絕跡。 香港01。 https://www.hk01.com/article/938565?utm_source=01articlecopy&utm_medium=referral

Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, Press Release. (2023). LCQ18: Preservation of the characteristics of the hawking culture. https://www.info.gov.hk/gia/general/202304/26/P2023042600216p.htm#:~:text=1%20 %281%29%20As%20at%20March%2031%2C%202023%2C%20the

Initium Media (2021, January 5). 旺角騷亂後，30年小販黃老太述說她與 香港的魚蛋夢。端傳媒 Initium Media. https://theinitium.com/article/20160220- hongkong-hkvendors

Mathias K. S. (2014). Foucault on Power Relations, Irénées. https://www.irenees.net/bdf_fiche-notions-242_en.html

 

An Unusual Existence in the City

1. Introduction

The project explores one of Hong Kong’s best recognised cultural landmarks, Chungking Mansions, in the highly accessible central business district of Tsim Sha Tsui (Figure 1). Surrounded by many luxurious hotels and high-end shops, Chungking Mansions stands out as a vertical cluster of small businesses and guesthouses, where ethnic minorities ranging across traders, workers, tourists and asylum seekers converge. This earns Chungking Mansions the name “Ghetto at the Center of the World”, after the title of Gordon Mathews’s (2011) seminal anthropological account of the building.

Chungking Mansions and its Surrounding Area

Why can we find Chungking Mansions as a “ghetto” in Tsim Sha Tsui, where land rent is sky high? How is the cultural – particularly ethnic – complexity inside the building embedded within Hong Kong’s geographical context? These are the questions this project attempts to address from a cultural geographical approach, with the aid of Henri Lefebvre’s theory of spatial triad.

Theoretical Approach: Lefebvre’s Spatial Triad

A cultural geographical approach analyses the diversity of symbolic and material practices of human communities as cultural traces – outcomes of interaction between culture and the geographical context in which these traces are found. Accordingly, this project takes Chungking Mansions as a cultural trace produced through the interactions between its many stakeholders (e.g., property owners, vendors, visitors, etc.) from diverse cultural backgrounds on one hand, and the socio-spatial context of Hong Kong evolving over time.

Proposed by French sociologist Henri Lefebvre, the theory of spatial triad offers a framework to systematically analyse how cultural traces are produced through: (i) interactions between actors with different social status over space, and (ii) interactions between these actors and the space for which they compete. As its name suggests, the theory draws attention to three analytical dimensions, “representations of space”, “representational space”, and “spatial practice”. The following table explains their meanings and their application in the subsequent analysis of Chungking Mansions.

Analysing Chungking Mansions through Lefebvre’s Spatial Triad (Source: Compiled based on McCann, 1999)

Dimension	Definition	Example	Analytical focus in Chungking Mansions
Representations of space	Spatial imaginations of those in power, regulating how space should be ordered and used	Official zoning plan for a city	Government policies and property owners’ decisions which shape the physical layout, functions, and ethnic composition of the building (Section 3.1)
Representational space	Symbols imbued in space by people living in it, often for challenging existing representations of space	Artistic representation (e.g., movie) of a city	Attitudes of different people towards the building (Section 3.3)
Spatial practice	Physical space and the everyday routines and experience of people living in it	Actual spatial activities in a city	Physical features, everyday activities, and social relations in the building (Section 3.2)

Chungking Mansions as a Complex Cultural Trace

Why has Chungking Mansions developed into an ethnic enclave?

For many outsiders of Chungking Mansions, the most observable phenomenon in the building is the gathering of people from diverse ethnic backgrounds, mostly South Asians and Africans. This is made possible by three ways Hong Kong was, or is, politically and institutionally positioned in the world (Mathews, 2011).

First, the significant presence of ethnic South Asians can be traced back to the early history of Hong Kong as a British colony, which began in 1841. Back then, the Indian Subcontinent was also under British rule. Some South Asians came to Hong Kong as recruits of the British Army and the city’s colonial government, while others as traders and labourers.

Second, people from various parts of the world are drawn to Hong Kong as an international commercial centre. Located midway between the Chinese mainland and Southeast Asia, Hong Kong has developed as a gateway for traders to multiple rapidly emerging economies. Notably, more African entrepreneurs can recently be seen in Hong Kong as they visit the city to buy Chinese products for resale in their home countries.

Third, consolidating its geographical advantage in trade development, Hong Kong champions free trade and adopts visa-free policies for many nationals to facilitate flows of goods and people. These moves attract for Hong Kong not only traders and tourists from many countries, but also attract asylum seekers and foreign illegal workers.

With these factors in mind, a more specific question comes: Why do all these people from diverse backgrounds specifically cluster in Chungking Mansions? For South Asians, this might be a matter of following the choice of their early settlers in Hong Kong, many of whom concentrated in Tsim Sha Tsui. However, more generally, this has to do with the building’s availability of affordable spaces for business and accommodation.

Trace of South Asian community in Tsim Sha Tsui: Halal meat store

Built in 1961, Chungking Mansions boasts a total of 920 co-owners (Mathews, 2011, p. 38), as it is partitioned into multiple units conveyed to different parties. Given the building’s extremely fragmented ownership, it has been difficult for individual co-owners to pool together enough ownership shares to sell the building for redevelopment. As the building deteriorates, co-owners can only lease their units a low rent. In a visit to the building in 2017, we learnt that the monthly rent of a shop selling phones and accessories is only about HKD 17,000. Such low-cost space is ideal for ethnic minority migrants, who come to Hong Kong with financial difficulties, to make a living with a small business.

How do people make a living in Chungking Mansions?

Chungking Mansions is divided into three distinct clusters of different functions. For the stores mentioned above, they are found in the building’s first two floors, each as a separate cluster. The first floor is home to stores selling SIM cards, food, clothes and other daily necessities, and several money exchange stores, while the second floor is dominated by stores selling electronic gadgets. Meanwhile, the third floor and above is the territory of guesthouses and restaurants.

Chungking Mansions as a cluster of guesthouses

Guesthouses in Chungking Mansions have been known for their affordability. They first came to significant attention in the 1970s, after being featured in the famous travelling guidebook “Lonely Planet” for accommodating backpackers at very low prices (Mathews, 2011). Since the 1980s, they have blossomed within Chungking Mansions through partitioning of apartments, meeting demand from tourists with a tight budget and traders from developing economies for low cost accommodation. This contributes further to the large number of ethnic minorities in the building.

The significance presence of ethnic minorities, however, has not resulted in elaborative display of ethnic or religious features in Chungking Mansions. This is because of two reasons. Firstly, limited floor space makes it impractical to do so. Secondly, some owners are concerned that religious items may not be welcomed by everyone and thus not beneficial to their businesses.

Indeed, the economic imperative can push even the most fundamental religious principles out of consideration. According to the Quran, alcohol is prohibited for Muslims. Surprisingly, one of the Muslim restaurants we came across was selling beer to customers. “Since we just have to make a living, Allah will understand,” the boss of the restaurant shared.

What does Chungking Mansions mean to its outsiders and insiders?

To many local Chinese, Chungking Mansions is unwelcoming and dangerous. This impression stems not only from the building’s sizeable ethnic minority population which they are unfamiliar with, but also a 1994 Hong Kong movie entitled “Chungking Express”. Directed by the renowned filmmaker Wong Kar-wai, the movie depicted Chungking Mansions as a place where only people with complicated backgrounds or gangsters would go. It has had a huge impact on the public in terms of engendering and spreading the impression of the building as a “prohibited land”.

However, to the many ethnic minorities residing or working in it, Chungking Mansions is rather their ‘beacon of hope’ (Mathews, 2011, p. 16). Popularly associated with a sense of insecurity, Chungking Mansions has faced downward pressure for the rental level of its retail units. While this is hardly pleasing to the buildings’ many co-owners, it is good news to migrants and traders from the developing world, who are finding a gap in a global capitalist system working against the interest of their countries and them. To them, given the relatively low cost of finding refuge and doing business in it, Chungking Mansions stands as the best place for them to climb up the social hierarchy through their hard work, eventually overcoming the poverty and discrimination they currently suffer.

Conclusion

This project has attempted to deploy Henri Lefebvre’s theory of spatial triad to unpack how Chungking Mansions represents a cultural trace produced through three aspects of interaction between it as a multi-storey architectural space and various actors.  First, territory-wide policies and rental decisions of property co-owners promote the concentration of ethnic minorities with developing world origins in Chungking Mansions. Second, some ethnic minorities are becoming less unusual as they prioritise economic pragmatism over their religious traditions. Third, despite the previous point, personal perception among some local Chinese and cinematic representation continue to obscure Chungking Mansions’ value to support the struggle of ethnic minority individuals to achieve prosperity, thereby keeping the building behind a sense of unusualness.

References

Mathews, G. (2011). Ghetto at the centre of the world, Chungking Mansions, Hong Kong. Hong Kong, China: Hong Kong University Press.

McCann, E. J. (1999) Race, Protest, and public space: contextualizing Lefebvre in the U.S. city. Antipode, 31(2):2, p.163–163-184.

This page is developed based on a project undertaken by students ... in 2018-19.

1. Introduction

Strolling on the streets in Keelung, one would be amazed by the cultural diversity which shapes the city’s distinctive local landscape. Located at Taiwan’s northern tip, Keelung has been one of the important gateways to Taiwan.

This research departs from the cultural geography perspective that a place is formed by cultural traces left by a series of conflicts and integration of cultures. In the case of Keelung, its cultural landscape is formed through the interplay of different prevailing socio-political forces during the reign of three governments:

• the Qing Court (1683–1895), under whose reign people from southern Fujian, also known as Minnan (閩南), migrated to Keelung;
• the Japanese colonial government (1895–1945), which took over Taiwan after Qing’s loss in the First Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895), and
• the Republic of China (ROC) government (since 1945), which acquired Taiwan’s sovereignty after Japan’s defeat in World War II.

Location of Keelung in Taiwan (Map by Luuva / CC BY-SA 3.0)

2. Cultural Geography Perspective in Use

From a cultural geography perspective, a place is formed by various cultural traces which reflect and reinforce a particular cultural order. Every place has its own cultural order, which is defined by the social groups possessing dominating power. The presence of cultural order means that some groups are accepted in a place, while others are marginalised, if not completely crowded out. Cultural traces in a place captures the outcome of the interaction between social groups, and their relative position in the cultural order. As such orders evolve over time, older cultural traces may be erased by, overlaid upon, or integrated with newer traces, creating a complex cultural landscape.

Keelung is a sum of Minnan, Japanese, and ROC culture, with the assimilation managed by the government and the acculturation promoted by citizens through conflicts and compromises. Governmental assimilations added new traces to erase the legacy of the last era and to propagate the dominant culture. In spite of the governmental unyielding changes, the public also encounter conflicts between different cultural beliefs when new culture entered Keelung. The clashes may result in a mixture of distinct beliefs after a period of time. Although new cultures were not accepted when they first entered Keelung, as time passes, people gradually integrate foreign cultures with their own culture, and that forms the modern Keelung.

Socio-political conflicts as well as traces of cultural integration can be observed throughout Keelung’s development since the 19^th century. The following discussion will evaluate how a combination of Minnan, Japanese and ROC influences have given rise to three distinguishing features of Keelung: the city’s Ghost Festival, the spatial complex of Dianji Temple (奠濟宮) and Miaokou Night Market (廟口夜市), and the city centre’s road system.

3. Traces of Cultural Integration and Transformation

3.1 Keelung Ghost Festival

Keelung Ghost Festival is an intangible cultural trace of the armed conflicts between migrants from different parts of Minnan, a region separated from Taiwan by the Taiwan Strait. During the Qing Dynasty, many Minnan people migrated to Taiwan in seek of a better life, with Keelung being one of their popular destinations. These people came mainly from two parts of Minnan, Zhangzhou (漳州) and Quanzhou (泉州). Due to their different origins, religions and cultural practices, these new settlers ran into a series of deadly confrontations during the 1850s, now collectively known as Zhang-Quan Conflicts (漳泉械鬥) (Wei, 2011). The Zhangzhou people won and took over the land near Keelung Harbour (基隆港), while the Quanzhou people were forced to move inland to Nuannuan District (暖暖區).

District map of Keelung City, Taiwan (Adapted from: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b1/Keelung_districts_map.svg)

To avoid further bloodsheds, leaders of the Zhangzhou and Quanzhou migrants eventually reconciled in an interesting manner. Instead of physical confrontations, they agreed that their communities would compete in hosting rituals during the Chinese Ghost Festival, which falls on the 15^th day of the seventh month of the Chinese calendar, to appease and sate the deceased (Wu, 2009). The competition, represented at first by 11 and later 15 clans, continues to date in two parts. First, the clans compete across years as they take turn to decorate the main alter (主普壇) of the year as elaborately as possible. Second, the clans also compete head to head in the same year in organising the most eye-catching street parade. Given its colourfulness, Keelung’s Ghost Festival attracts a lot of local visitors and foreign tourists, and earns the name of one of Taiwan’s top twelve festivals identified by the Taiwan Tourism Bureau.

The three-storey main altar of Keelung Ghost Festival, currently used as the Keelung Mid-summer Ghost Festival Museum
(Photo by Eugene Yeh / Photo courtesy Taiwan Tourism Bureau)

3.2 Dianji Temple and Miaokou Night Market

The history of Minnan migrants also leaves a tangible trace in Keelung – Dianji Temple, whose siting reflects the legacy of Zhang-Quan conflicts. Established in 1875, Dianji Temple was built by the Zhangzhou community to worship the Sage King Kaizhang (開漳聖王), a Minnan folklore hero, for his loyalty and effort in developing the Fujian province (Keelung Municipal Government, 2018). At the back of Dianji Temple lies Qingning Temple (清甯宮), built by the Quanzhou community to worship the Gods of the Water (水仙尊王). Since Quanzhou people lost in the conflicts with Zhangzhou people, they were only qualified to build their temple as a smaller building behind Dianji Temple.

Keelung Dianji Temple (Photo by lienyuan lee / CC BY 3.0)

In addition, Dianji Temple showcases the compromise and coexistence of Japanese and Chinese cultures. The temple’s main hall stands two pairs of pillars decorated with different motifs. Erected by the Japanese colonial government, the older pair is decorated with patterns of flowers and birds, as they are symbols of good fortunes and a free spirit in Japanese culture (Chen, 2005). On the contrary, added by the ROC government, the younger pair is decorated with patterns of a Chinese dragon, reinforcing traditional Chinese culture in the temple.

Pillar with pattern of a dragon in Dianji Temple. (Photo by yeowatzup / CC BY-2.0)

The significance of Dianji Temple has evolved over time with the development of Miaokou Night Market around it. In the past, countless people visited Dianji Temple for worships. This attracted many vendors to operate around the temple. The night market so formed is named ‘Miaokou’, which literally means the entrance to a temple. However, in modern days, people are less superstitious and visit Dianji Temple as tourists instead of disciples. Therefore, the temple’s social significance as a worship venue is gradually decreasing, while people pay more attention to the night market, particularly the wide range of food it offers, including those of Japanese, Minnan, Zhejiang, and Taiwanese origins. Miaokou Night Market has taken over the status of Dianji Temple as the most important spatial feature of the local area at which they are located.

Miaokou night market (Photo by Wu-Chih Hsueh / Photo courtesy Taiwan Tourism Bureau)

3.3 Keelung’s Road System

The road system of Keelung is a typical example of spatial transformation for economic and political goals. The system first took shape during the Japanese colonial era, when the colonial government considered Keelung a place with great development potential but physically in disorder. To develop Keelung into a modern port city, the colonial government formulated the Keelung Municipal Improvement Plan in 1905. The plan introduced a grid of modern roads and sewers to facilitate modern transport and reduce flooding risk (Ho, 2018).

Keelung’s grid road plan, 1945 (Map by U.S. Army Map Service / Courtesy University of Texas Libraries)

After World War II, the ROC government was eager to erase Japan’s colonial influence and assert its authority on the island. In Keelung, the ROC government preserved the grid of roads, but renamed them according to the ‘eight virtues’ generalised by Sun Yat-sen, the founder of ROC, from traditional Chinese values (Lee, 2016). They include dedication (忠, zhong), filial piety (孝, xiao), benevolence (仁, ren), love (愛, ai), trustworthiness (信, xin), justice (義, yi), peace (和, he) and equality (平, ping).

Keelung’s roads named after eight virtues: Ai 3^rd Road (left) and Xin 2^nd Road (right)
(Left and right photos by Solomon203 / CC BY-SA-4.0)

4. Concluding Thoughts

Owing to conflicts and compromises among the Minnan migrants and the ruling powers in the past hundred years, Keelung, a small city at the top of Taiwan’s map, bolsters a range of material and non-material traces which embody the cultural influences from the Minnan communities, the Japanese colonisers, and the officials of the ROC government. From these mesmerizing and intriguing traces, we can retrace and study how dominating powers and transgression of different parties shape the cultural diversity and distinctive cultural landscape of the city over time.

Roses always come with thorns. Foreign cultures, while giving birth to Keelung’s cultural diversity in the past, may dampen its cultural diversity nowadays. Under the influence of globalization, local cultures are at risk of being banished. In recent decades, the local government developed the cruise economy in Keelung port, driving up land rent in Keelung. Some local vendors cannot afford the rising cost and have been displaced by stores of multinational corporations with stronger financial strength. Without concerted effort to conserve the local ways of living, Keelung’s cultural diversity and continuity may cease to exist. Whether Keelung can preserve its uniqueness in cultural terms is a question that deserves our further attention.

References

A Study of Mong Kok’s evolving spaces through Lefebvre’s spatial triad

Foreword

The research project pays homage to the street culture of Mong Kok pedestrian zone, which has been permanently closed down on 31 August 2018 due to overwhelming noise pollution. This research project was conducted from September to December 2017, shortly before its closure. It is believed that the project could show the glimpse of Mong Kok pedestrian street culture before it faded with the de-pedestrianization policy. This zone has been a significant landmark to both locals and tourists – not only does it provide the seedbed for local culture, it also reflects the development, changes and stories of Hong Kong.

Figure 1. A night view of Fa Yuen Street (花園街 ), Mong Kok (Photo by Chi Lok TSANG/ CC BY 3.0)

1.  Introduction

Located at the centre of Kowloon Peninsula, Mong Kok has long been a place with seemingly conflicting traces. First, it has been a crux of local culture – gathering local shops (hawkers, street food, niche stores for youngsters), local people and tourists in seek of the authentic side of Hong Kong. It is visited in the highest frequency by tourists and locals as a cultural and leisure centre respectively. It is known for its chaotic, bottom-up spirit. Second, and a phenomenon that gains momentum later, Mong Kok lies at the centre of the MTR network and serves as the transfer station for two major metro lines. It represents a homogenizing force, with its orderliness and its role as a driver of large-scale urban development. This project examines the juxtaposition of these two forces in general, and in particular whether the MTR’s dominating influence has affected local culture and whether there is any conflict between these contrasting traces.

2. A Cultural Geographical Perspective on Mong Kok

Our investigation is structured around the following question: Will the MTR, as one of Hong Kong’s key drivers of urbanization, eradicate the local culture embedded in Mong Kok?

To reveal the relationship between daily commute and spatial arrangements of Mong Kok, Lefebvre’s spatial triad is used as a theoretical perspective to analyze how the space in Mong Kok interact with the culture there, and contribute, if any, to the existing culture.

Lefebvre’s spatial triad consists of three elements:

• Representation of space is the conceived space by the ones in power in influencing the city plans and urban planning, e.g. scientists and planners;
• Representational space is the consumption of space by daily users, e.g. using the space according to personal feelings, intuition, and habits.
• Spatial practice is the daily usage of space on which we implement our knowledge

Figure 2. An illustration of Lefebvre’s spatial triad (Source: Lefebvre, 1991)

The spatial triad provides a way to analyze how space is both a tool and a result of the power struggle between social groups with different levels of power. It draws attention to (A) how users of stronger or weaker power conceive the places based on their daily routines and habits, and (B) how the conception of spaces by daily users reshape the conception of space by urban planners. Specifically, we argue that the complicated, fast-paced urban spatial arrangement in Mong Kok – i.e. the representation of space developed by the MTR – has limited the growth of the local culture.

3. Empirical Analysis

Representational space and representation of space in Mong Kok: Impacts of the MTR

Once a farming village, Mong Kok began to flourish at the beginning of the 20^th century as a commercial area. It has since evolved into a melting pot of ‘street culture’, a set of ‘practices, styles, symbols, and values associated with, adopted by, and engaged in by individuals and organizations that spend a disproportionate amount of time on the streets of large urban centres’ (Ross, 2018, p. 8). It is known for its open-air markets, where locals and tourists alike visit the hawkers for knockoffs and street food. It is also known for its appeal to teenagers, who patronize the area for its concentration of entertainment venues, electronics stores and vendors of trendy products. It is furthermore known for its pedestrian zone, whose success in attracting a large number of street performers provoked local residents’ opposition that led to its abolition.

The chaos and crowdedness bolstered by these diverse traces of culture stand in sharp contrast to the orderliness brought by the MTR. As Hong Kong’s railway monopoly, the MTR structured the culture of Mong Kok and other parts of the city through its extensive railway network. With the power to enforce a set of by-laws on any railway premises, the MTR has transformed wherever its railway reaches into spaces with ordered cultures. As a notable example, the MTR stations are full of instructions – from exits, directories, the flow of people, where to stop and where not to etc., from eye level, above and below, with none that was left with no regulatory guide. These signs were accompanied by non-stop announcements, from reminders of last trains and safe use of elevators, to appeals for passengers to squeeze into the carriages to make room for others.

Owing to the dominance of cultural values embedded by the MTR development, these geographical borders further extended beyond the metro stations and infiltrated various streets and landmarks. Signs and guides for metro stations and exits are ubiquitous in the public spaces including various pedestrian walkways, flyovers and shopping centres.

Figure 3. The MTR stations in Mong Kong are highly regulated spaces.

Evidence of transformation: Spatial practice in wayfinding and navigation

An emerging trace in unveiling the impact of metro developments on spatial practices is the pedestrians’ changing sense of direction and wayfinding behaviours. Before the construction of the MTR station, most residents relied on landmarks and streets for navigation which represents the chaotic and yet disordered traces. The Mong Kok streetscape has undergone significant transformation and socialization. Since the 1970s, commercial activities have burgeoned and grown around nodes of the MTR stations given their high accessibility. Old buildings such as tonglau (唐樓) are hence gradually overhauled by office complexes and malls such as Langham Place, which become the new exits of the metro stations. The transformation of space has then marked the transition of value from disordered yet continuous space into socialized space advocating formality, orderliness and regularity.

These transformations in cultural traces are evidenced by the results of our street survey. The MTR exits have become the dominant trace which people depend upon for navigation. During our field study, 60.9% of our respondents use metro signs and exits to find their ways and destinations in Mong Kok. Some would identify the location of a place by its closest MTR exits. Some even deliberately move from one location of Mong Kok to another through the MTR station in order to orient themselves with the aid of the station map. At the same time, 84.5% of the respondents indicated that they were unable to identify the streets of Mong Kok without the aid of an MTR map. These findings suggest that most of the places in Mong Kok have been socialized by the values of orderliness and regularity introduced by the dominating power of metro stations. These transformations have, thereby, significantly reshaped the pedestrians’ conception of space and directions, as well as their behaviour in their navigation of Mong Kok.

These spatial practices are in contradistinction to those of the local inhabitants and daily users. Long-term residents inhabited for many years tend to rely more heavily on the street names than their non-residential counterpart, who can barely identify other parts of Mong Kok besides the town centre due to the crowdedness and disorganized culture of the streetscape. While youngsters tend to rely on metro signs and iconic, middle-aged and senior citizens roam around based on their knowledge and impressions on the streetscape. Owing to more established and complete memory of the urban areas, many residents can visualize Mong Kok by street names and even demolished buildings when compared to their younger counterparts. However, as the dominating metro culture continues to develop, it is expected that fewer and fewer pedestrians may perceive the space by buildings and streets, and hence vanish of the disorderliness of street cultures.

Figure 4. An illustration of Lefebvre’s spatial triad and the conflicts between street and metro culture in Mong Kok

This finding suggests that the formation of new and organized cultural traces as facilitated by the MTR development has significantly altered people’s conception and knowledge of a space and how they navigate. These metro culture has been acting as a dominant force that reshaped and socialized the streetscape in Mong Kok. These findings generally correlate with Lefebvre’s idea of the spatial triad. While people in power may structure their representation of space through imagining Mong Kok into an organized city with full metro coverage and signs in various public spaces, other users may have their own values assigned to the landscape through representational space. Both of these traces are merged into the spatial practice through everyday routine and experience of wayfinding and navigation in Mong Kok.

4.  Conclusion

This study attempts to integrate Lefebvre’s spatial triad into the examination of how railway developments significantly reshaped the distinct cultural practices in Mong Kok. While the spatial arrangements in Mong Kok are heavily regulated by organized yet dominant metro culture, pedestrians spatial practice and daily routine of navigations and wayfinding have also been socialized by the metro’s value of formality and regulation. However, the government and the MTR have not been all-powerful. The subcultural groups could respond with tactics through spatial reimagination and practices to counter the representation of space and values by the powers. For instance, re-imagining our own short-cuts and alternatives to the directions of the metro signs on skywalks may allow us to explore and experience Mong Kok in unconventional ways, thereby defying conventions embedded by metro cultures.

Reference

Lefebvre, H. (1991). The production of space. Oxford: Blackwell.

Ross, J. I. (2018). Reframing urban street culture: Towards a dynamic and heuristic process model. City, Culture and Society, 15, 7-13. doi:10.1016/j.ccs.2018.05.003

The Cultural Geography of Public Housing in Hong Kong

1.  Introduction

As a home for 3.3 million people and almost half the population of Hong Kong, public housing complexes have remained pivotal to the construction of local identity and Hong Kong culture (Vetter, 2019). Despite drastic changes in their appearance over decades, many of the public rental estates have established themselves as one of the most renowned cultural and historical relics of local culture (Hui, 2018). This project aims to investigate how the architectural designs of public housing estates, the histories of socio-economic development and their rich cultural values have co-evolved over time.

Figure 1. Choi Hung Estate – A Slab Public Housing Estate in Kowloon (Photo by Kara M/ CC BY 3.0)

The project adopts a cultural geographical perspective and attempts to understand how the geography of a "space" interacts with social development, thus creating a "place". By utilizing the concept of cultural traces, we aim to examine how their designs coincide with the course of Hong Kong's development, including impacts of rapid economic advancement, changes in  social values and traditional Chinese culture on the design of public housing estates.

2.  Cultural Geography Perspectives in Use

Anderson (2015) articulated that a "place" is formed by the interactions and co-existence of different cultural traces which reflect the local cultural order. While the cultural order is continuously constructed and deconstructed, these cultural traces may capture how various social values and ideologies have changed over time. Inspired by these theories, this report adopts four major perspectives - structural, spatial, auspicial and commercial - to analyze how the cultural traces of public housing complexes have evolved and transformed since the 1950s. Table 1 summarizes these perspectives and analytical focus.

Table 1.  A summary of the four major perspective and analytical focus.

Perspective	Definition	Analytical focus
Structural	The way in which parts of a system or object are arranged.	The layout and design of individual flats of public housing estates.
Spatial	The position, area and size of things.	The master layout of public housing estates, the positions of buildings and facilities.
Auspicial	Good omen and the indication of future success.	The naming methodology of public housing estates, the analyzation of public housing block designs using Feng Shui.
Commercial	Buying and selling things.	The shopping malls of public housing estates and the variety of shops.

3.  Traces of Cultural Transformation and Integration

The history of public housing traces back to the 1950s. On Christmas day, 1953, a severe fire broke out in the squatter area in Shek Kip Mei, and more than 50000 people lost their homes overnight. In response to this crisis, the government built several blocks of resettlement housing in the next year - presently known as Shek Kip Mei Estate - marking the beginning of public housing in Hong Kong (Hui, 2018).

Structural design: from a livable space to a living space

The living conditions of public housing have greatly improved since the 1950s. The earliest public housing blocks constructed in the 1950s provided poor living conditions for its residents. The Mark 1 Resettlement Blocks, for example, are only equipped with shared toilets and shower rooms, and a 24 sq. ft. per-capita living area as opposed to the legal requirement of 35 sq. ft (香港房屋的變遷", n.d.). A kitchen is non-existent.

Owing to the revitalized economy in the 1970s and improved social welfare systems, the desire for better living conditions flourished and has greatly influenced the designs of public housing estates since then. Individual toilets and kitchens were introduced to each flat in the new designs of Slab (Figure 2) and Twin Tower blocks. Residents no longer needed to cook and  shower on the balcony. The living conditions were further improved in the 1980s with respect to improvements in the local economy. The introduction of Trident Block (Figure 3) design has marked the first type of block whose flats are designed to enable subdividing of bedrooms. Flats of the Harmony blocks were highly standardized due to the use of modular and prefabricated components. While emphasizing on a comfortable living environment and space in the modern era, the latest designs of Concord (I) and New Cruciform (Figure 4) in the 1990s till 2000s bears striking resemblances to private housing blocks, with a smaller (8-10) number of flats on each storey, larger areas for each flat, and pre-set bedroom layouts (香港房屋的變遷", n.d.).

Figure 2. The layout of Standard Block Slab (Link 1 = 180^o), a prominent design for public housing estates in the 1970s (Reprinted from "Standard Block Typical Floor Plans", The Housing Authority. 2016, Sept. 5.)

Figure 3. The layout of Standard Block Trident, a prominent design for public housing estates in the 1980-90s (Reprinted from "Standard Block Typical Floor Plans", The Housing Authority. 2016, Sept. 5.)

Figure 4. The layout of Standard Block Concord 1 (Option 1), a prominent design for public housing estates in the 1970s (Reprinted from "Standard Block Typical Floor Plans", The Housing Authority. 2016, Sept. 5.)

The privacy of public housing flats has also been enhanced to transform the “livable space” into  “living space” in public housing estates. While flats of earlier designs such as the Mark 1 blocks only provide one corridor-facing window, which wraps around the building for the residents, newer designs in the 1970s, like the Twin Tower or Linear Blocks, presented the residents with more windows facing the corridor. Nevertheless, issues of privacy still remained unsolved since it allowed outsiders were able to peek into the flats. Such problems have not been alleviated until 1984 with the construction of Trident blocks in May Shing Court (美城苑) and Mei Lam Estate (美林邨) (Lau, 2016; "香港房屋的變遷", n.d.).

The structures of public housing have been improved over the years, with more basic facilities within the flat and a larger per-capita area. This process coincides with the period when Hong Kong experiences an economic boom (From 70s to 80s, the first Twin Tower block was finished in 1970) (Lau, 2016; "香港房屋的變遷", n.d.). It can easily be inferred that as the economy boomed and the society generally became more affluent, more comfortable housing became a consensus across various stakeholders including the government, especially for those who grew up in the Resettlement Areas, which were notorious for their poor condition. This reflects a paradigm shift in the social ideology for residential space from "quantity" to "quality" and from a "livable space" to "living space".

Spatial Design

In some sense, the spatial designs of public housing estates also follow similar trends. The early resettlement areas contain very little public and leisure facilities, aimed only at cramming as many blocks as they can. An example is Tsz Wan Shan Estate, with 66 resettlement blocks, and only one playground at the middle of the estate.

For these early estates, public spaces are mainly located within the building itself, like corridors, shared bathrooms and lift lobbies. These common areas are being relocated to outside the building now, and there is usually more than one playground or one park in the same estate. Newer estates also contain more public facilities such as schools, shopping malls and public transport interchange. The layout of buildings also becomes important. Architects, under community planning, take minor details such as microclimate, aesthetic details and accessibility of premises into consideration ("Upper Ngau Tau Kok Estate", n.d.). Greenery is also common within estates.

While the spatial designs generally have become more pleasing, the close relationship between tenants of the estate, as reflected in the increased amount of public facilities in estates remained unchanged. While socializing in corridors in the past, they are now carried out in parks and public areas. The increased public and recreational facilities help residents create a close relationship and a pleasing living environment, in line with the emphasis on quality housing.

Auspicial Perspective: Wishing for Prosperity and Good Luck

Chinese traditions and culture are deeply embedded in the design and naming of the public housing complexes. While most of public housing estates are built in a specific pattern, the culture for naming these multi-storey complexes with word patterns that symbolizes luck and blessings to its residents has remained unchanged since the 1950s. One example would be the naming patterns in Lek Yuen Estate (瀝源邨) and Fung Wo Estate (豐和邨) in Shatin. Despite the fact that the two estates were built in the 1970s and 2010s respectively, the strong emphasis on rituals and blessings in the naming process stayed crucial. The first Chinese character of the seven buildings in Lek Yuen Estate can form a phrase that means prosperity, luck and longevity (榮、華、富、貴、福、祿、壽). A similar pattern can also be found in the naming of the three building blocks of Fung Wo Estate indicating peace, safety and happiness (順, 安, 悅).

Figure 5. A Water Fountain at Lek Yuen Estate - The only water fountain found in any public housing estate in Hong Kong (Photo by WiNG/ CC BY 3.0)

Feng Shui (風水) is also accentuated in architectural designs of the public housing estates. These housing complexes can be categorized with respect to their shapes, such as cruciform, H-shaped, Twin Towers and Trident. While different architectural styles may epitomize different values and beliefs, their designs, in general, reflect the residents' expectations and wishes for prosperity and respect, as well as avoidance from sickness and death. For instance, the H-shaped public housing estates, such as Sha Kok Estate (沙角邨) and Sun Chui Estate (新翠邨), are constructed in the shape of an “H” or the Chinese character of jobs (工) (Koo, n.d.).

Commercial perspective: Changing traces of localness and wholesale development

Public housing estates also provide intriguing examples to the study how the emergence of new ideologies of globalization and wholesale development reconstruct these cultural traces. In the past, local shopping malls were mainly composed of small-scale local businesses like stationery shops, local bakeries, Cha Chaan Teng (茶餐廳) and Dai Pai Dong (大排檔). These shops emphasize on their locality and sense of place and community, which were much preferred by the older generations.

Figure 6. Shing Kee Restaurant – a 50-year-old Dai Pai Dong located in Lek Yuen Estate, Shatin (Photo by nevertoosweet/ CC BY 3.0)

Under globalization and waves of enclosure development, these shops, however, have slowly been outcompeted and replaced by international brands and local chain stores, which own plentiful resources of plenty to afford higher rents. These chain stores are generally more popular among the younger generation, who dines in chain stores for a classier and high-end dining experience rather than in an old-fashioned Cha Chaan Teng. At the same time, these shopping malls underwent drastic renovations, such as installing air-conditioning, changing the lighting system, exchanging floor tiles for marble-Esque floors, to fit their prestigious brandings. The old traces filled with localness, compassion and warmth, were wiped out and transformed into a modern, commercialized, international, and yet aloof environment. The commercial traces of public housing have been transformed under the influences of enclosure development.

4.  Conclusion

Public housing is a unique cultural landmark in the modernization of Hong Kong. Representing the shift of socio-economic conditions, living standards, and social values since the 50s, it reflects relationships and beliefs of its residents, and marks the traces of globalization. We argued that the development of public housing is inalienable from the socio-economic development of Hong Kong, which is reflected in the livelihood and beliefs of Hong Kong people of different generations. These traces will continue to be constructed and deconstructed, reflecting an influx and development of new ideologies in the future.

References

Anderson, J. (2015). Understanding cultural geography: places and traces. Routledge.

Hui, M. (2018, August 09). Public Housing for Some, Instagram Selfie Backdrop for Others. Retrieved September 21, 2020, from https://www.nytimes.com/2018/08/09/world/asia/hong-kong-instagram-photography.html

Lau, C. P. (2016, January 16). 從房屋看香港歷史. Retrieved from https://commons.ln.edu.hk/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=https://www.google.com/&httpsredir=1&article=1001&context=jchkhlp_talks

Standard Block Typical Floor Plans. (2016, September 05). Housing Authority. Retrieved from https://www.housingauthority.gov.hk/en/global-elements/estate-locator/standard-block-typical-floor-plans/index.html.

Upper Ngau Tau Kok Estate. (n.d.). Retrieved September 21, 2020, from https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E7%89%9B%E9%A0%AD%E8%A7%92%E4%B8%8A%E9%82%A8

Vetter, D. (2019, January 19). Why public housing shortfall will remain a thorn in Hong Kong's side. Retrieved September 21, 2020, from https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/society/article/2182106/why-public-housing-shortfall-will-remain-thorn-hong-kongs

香港房屋的變遷. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.fed.cuhk.edu.hk/history/history2005/teach_s3_03.pdf

The Transition from Old to New in Kwun Tong Industrial Area

1. Introduction

Kwun Tong factory district is a unique zone with diversified land-use which significantly differ from that in the past. These include a mixture of old industrial buildings, new commercial offices, art and recreational sites and restaurants. Through examining the phenomenon of old and new alternation in Kwun Tong industrial area, this project aims to argue that these cultural traces are strongly shaped and regulated by the changes in socio-economic developments and community in Hong Kong. This project draws upon Lefrebvre’s (1991) theory of “Production of Space” to deduce and analyze how these culture traces illustrate the socio-economic transformations in Kwun Tong.

2. Cultural Geographical Perspective in Use

Cultural geography integrates the notion of space and place into the investigation in how cultures work in a specified location in practical (Anderson, 2015). In other words, cultural geography explores the intersections of culture and context and seeks out why cultural activities take place in a specific way in a specific context (Crang, 2013).

Key concepts included in the theory mentioned above will be defined as follows. First, culture is comprised of a mixture of human activities, that consist of social norms, behavioural practices and emotional reaction we take part in obeying, resist or ignore (Crang, 2013). Therefore, it embodies a broad span of human life and can never be seen separately from the economy, society or politics. Second, geographical context; often related to physical landscapes, locations and nationalities; refers to the material and non-material “things” like historical events and values that influence what humans do (Crang, 2013). Third, traces can be considered as tangible “objects”, like statues and buildings, and non-tangible “things”, such as values (Crang, 2013).

Lefebvre (1991) proposed the theory of “Production of Space”, which conceptualized space, consisting perceived space, conceived space and lived space, as a social product (see Fig. 1) (Lefebvre, 1991; Wang, 2009). Perceived space is somewhere containing spatial practice involving usual activities and values that pre-exist in the space, while a conceived space consists of conceptualized rules and regulations that control the discipline of space (Lefebvre, 1991; Wang, 2009). Last, the lived space is a representation of space that appears after the prior two spaces merged. Social space is hence produced by the intersection of the three spaces (Lefebvre, 1991; Wang, 2009). Therefore, we had used this theory, which resonates with the cultural geographical perspective we seek to draw upon, as an analytical framework to explain how the concepts identified above explicate our empirical observations.

Figure 1. An illustration of the relationship among the three spaces in the "Production of Space" . (Source: Lefebvre, 1991).

3. Empirical Analysis

‘Production of Space’ involving the intersection between culture and geographical context, is mainly guided by human beings. There are three primary stakeholders: government, factory buildings’ owners and users, who are with different level of power in influencing the old and new alternation in Kwun Tong. The corresponding three spaces and the interaction between stakeholders will be demonstrated below.

The Perceived Space

The old Kwun Tong industrial area was produced based on historical events and human’s value. Kwun Tong, which has witnessed Hong Kong becomes a superior industrialized city in South-east Asia, is the earliest developed district in the urban area. In the early 1940s, refugees moved from mainland China to Hong Kong to seek asylum due to civil war, bringing a lot of capitals and cheap labour force to the city (Hong Kong Tourism Board [HKTB], n.d.; Kwun Tong District Council [KTDC], n.d.). Later, the embargo imposed by the United Nations in the 1950s triggered Hong Kong’s economic reform to start light industry (HKTB, n.d.; KTDC, n.d.). Numerous industries then appeared in a sudden, creating a massive demand for industrial areas. The industrial development of Kwun Tong reached golden times from 1965 to 1985 (Energizing Kowloon East Office [EKEO], 2014). Moreover, its products accounted for 18% of the total productivity of Hong Kong in the 1980s, reflecting its importance in the city’s economy (EKEO, 2014). At that time, the textile industry was the dominant business in Kwun Tong.

Besides, during that period, most people lived in Kwun Tong were refugee, immigrates and workers, who were mainly grassroots. They usually lived in low-cost houses, where they needed to share facilities such as kitchen and washroom with their neighbours. Despite the poor living conditions, they were still industrious to work, which revealed Hong Kong people’s emphasis on the economy and the Lion Rock spirit. Nevertheless, Kwun Tong industry started to decline in the 2000s after a wave of the relocation of many entrepreneurs’ production lines to Mainland China, where provided cheaper labour and production costs, due to her ‘reform and opening-up’ later (EKEO, 2014; HKTB, n.d.; KTDC, n.d.).

The Conceived Space

The government, possessed the dominate transformative capacity, had proposed the “Energizing Kowloon East” (EKE) as the blueprint for the redevelopment and revitalization of Kwun Tong industrial area. It aimed at reconstructing Kwun Tong into a second Central Business District (CBD) of Hong Kong, which was influenced by the transformation of the economy (EKEO, n.d.). In the Conceptual Master Plan 2.0 under EKE, goals had been set to improve the surrounding environment in the industrial area, which illustrated the additional emphasis toward human’s standard of living (EKEO, 2014).

To implement these, she changed the land use of regarding zone from industrial to commercial in 2001, amended several regulations in 2010 and established Energizing Kowloon East Office in 2012 to support the project (EKEO n.d.) . First, in terms of Cap. 545 Land (Compulsory Sale for Redevelopment) Ordinance, the amended ordinance lowered the application threshold for compulsory sale orders of industrial buildings inside non-industrial zones from 90% to 80% of ownership (GovHK, 2017; GovHK, 2019; Department of Justice [DJ], n.d.). This addressed the problem of fragmented ownership in flatted Kwun Tong industrial buildings. Second, the wholesale conversion of industrial buildings in “Industrial”, “Other Specified Uses” annotated “Business”, and “Industrial” zones is liberalized (GovHK, 2017; GovHK, 2019; DJ, n.d.). The original waiver fees incurred to the owners in the course of the application of usage conversion of industrial buildings are exempted. Third, the government relaxed the waiver application policy of individual units in existing industrial buildings to encourage the arts and cultural sectors and creative industries to operate. Owners are no longer required to make separate waiver applications and pay waiver fees, so long as the altered uses of industrial units are permitted under the planning regime (GovHK, 2017; GovHK, 2019; DJ, n.d.).

The Lived Space

The transformed land use and activities nowadays, which was found out in our field trip, are developed under the convergence of the two above spaces. Firstly, it was found that there is a diminishment of tradition factory belt and enlargement of the commercial zone, which consists of newly emerged hotels, office buildings, places of entertainment and restaurants.

Secondly, it was discovered that cultural and creative industries, including music performance site and the art museum, has been introduced into those unused factories’ units.

Figure 2. An Art Museum in Kwun Tong. (Source: Authors).

Thirdly, it was also realized that several recreational facilities have constructed in the Kwun Tong Promenade located near the sea (See Fig. 9-12). All these present as new traces as the result of the execution of conceptual space.

Figure 3. Recreational facilities in Kwun Tong Promenade. (Source: Authors).

The interaction between stakeholders will be further demonstrated as follows. As mentioned previously, in conceived space, the government proposes plans and implements policies, while the other two stakeholders interact with each other in perceived space and lived space and either adapt or contend against the redevelopment plan. The three stakeholders influence and counterbalance with one another, resulting in a representation space (lived space).

On the one hand, regarding the industrial land use of factory buildings. First, the factory buildings’ owners were allowed to rent their units legally without paying any additional fee to non-industrial land users. Some merchants operate the business with potentially higher market value and can afford a higher rent, due to the change of governmental policies. Therefore, the factory owners can no longer enjoy cheap rent as before and have to either pay high rent or to find another place to operate. Otherwise, their factories had to close down.

On the other hand, concerning the non-industrial land use of factory buildings, as mentioned previously, factory buildings’ owners no longer need to reject or paid an additional fee for tenants with other land-lease purposes. Instead, they can rent out their units as, for example, studio, design and media production, printing and publishing units legally. Consequently, the non-industrial users do not need to hide their reason for renting units from industrial buildings and operate publicly, which facilitates promotion and flourish of their unique culture.

4. Conclusion

In conclusion, the phenomenon of transformation in Kwun Tong industrial area’s cityscape can be explained by the theory of “Production of space”. The corresponding zone had been reconstructed gradually from a manufacturing quarter or “perceived space” to a place accommodating various land use for business, trading and recreational purposes, also known as “lived space” containing changed traces. The progression was made possible with “conceived space”, which is the urban development plan and complementary building codes, under the interactions of multiple stakeholders including the government, users and the land developers and their altered values. Even though multiple theories can as well be used to justify the old and new alternation in Kwun Tong factory belt, cultural geography concludes the result of intertwining of social aspects, making the research context more comprehensive.

Reference

Anderson, J. (2015). Understanding cultural geography: places and traces. Routledge.

Crang, M. (2013). Cultural geography. Routledge.

Energizing Kowloon East Office. (2014). 九龍東工業傳統及公共藝術/城市設 計潛力研究. Retrieved Nov 5 ,2019, from https://www.ekeo.gov.hk/filemanager/ content/whatsnew/IHS_executive_summary_chi.pdf

Energizing Kowloon East Office. (n.d.). Retrieved Nov 7, 2019, from https:// www.

ekeo.gov.hk/tc/vision /index.html.

Hong Kong Government. (2017, June 21). Press Releases–Legislative Council: Using

Industrial Building Units for Cultural, Arts and Sports Purposes. Retrieved Nov 9, 2019, from, https://www.info.gov.hk/gia/general/201706/21/P201 7062100474.htm

Hong Kong Government. (2019, Feb 1). Press Releases– Relaxation of Waiver

Application for Existing Industrial Buildings. Retrieved Nov 9, 2019, from https://www.info.gov.hk/gia/general/201902/01/P2019020100743.htm?

Hong Kong Tourism Board. (n.d.). Kwun Tong.  Retrieved Nov 5, 2019, from

http://www.discover hongkong .com/tc/see-do/neighbourhoods/kwun-tong.jsp

Kwun Tong District Council. (n.d.). Kwun Tong History. Retrieved Nov 5, 2019, from https://www.kwuntong.org.hk /tc/history.html

Laws Compilation and Publication Unit. (n.d.). E-legislation. Retrieved Nov 9, 2019, from https://www.elegislation.gov.hk/

Lefebvre, H. (1991). The Production of Space (Vol.142). Blackwell: Oxford.

Wang Zhi-hong. (2009). 多重的辯證列斐伏爾空間生產概念三元組演繹與引申. 地理學報, (55), 1-24.

**Noted that all photos were taken by group members in Kwun Tong Industrial Zone on 9th November in 2019.**

The Struggle between Commercialization and Preservation of Heritage and Art

1.  Introduction

Tai Kwun is a renowned cultural heritage located in the center of Hong Kong. Redeveloped from the former Central Police Station compound, Tai Kwun has remained as the epitome of British colonial architecture since the mid-19th century. Owing to its immense historical value in Hong Kong, its constituent compounds, which include three major establishments: a police station, a magistracy and a prison, were declared as historical monuments. Its revitalization project is led by ‘The Jockey Club CPS Limited’, a not-for-profit company set up by The Hong Kong Jockey Club Charities Trust to operate the Centre for Heritage and Art at the revitalized compound (The Hong Kong Jockey Club, 2015).

Figure 1. The Prison Yard in Tai Kwun. (Photo by Wpcpey/ CC BY 3.0)

However, criticism and doubts on the heritage’s role in promoting art and heritage conservation arose because of its financial dependency on rent received from tenants of shops and restaurants (The Jockey Club CPS Limited, 2018). While various evidences suggested that the emphasis has been placed on commercial elements that underlie the financial sustainability instead of the preservation of the historical heritage, this research aims to analyze the relationship between commercialization and heritage conservation in Tai Kwun through a cultural geographical perspective with respect to Anderson’s notion of dominating power (2009).

2. Cultural Geographical Perspective in Use

One of the key aims of Cultural Geography is to examine the intersection of geographical context and culture in how, where and who produces various cultural traces. While these traces may exist in material, non-material or a combination of both forms, they are essential in understanding the values and beliefs that constitute a place. Therefore, the interaction between various cultural ideologies and geographical context may create a varying and yet unique cultural landscape that represent the unique stories that are exclusive to different cultures and locals.

Cultural geographical approach, as highlighted by Anderson (2009), also argues that while multiple cultural traces may co-exist in the same context, these traces are always conformed to the ideologies of the dominating power and cultural hegemony (Anderson, 2009). Stakeholders and ideologies with greater influence may presents their ideology or their beliefs to other people as ‘common sense’. The dominating groups will then instill their own cultural values on the traces in different ways to maximize their benefits. They may then try to persuade the public that these values are the “gospel truth”. Cultural hegemony will be achieved if the dominating power successfully convinces the mass that their cultural values are ‘natural’. Therefore, when a society allow a particular cultural group to dominate over the others, this hegemonic group has successfully transformed their own beliefs and values into the ideological order of their culture.

Therefore, this project aims to examine how the cultural traces in Tai Kwun are reshaped by the dominating group through commercialization. Entrusted by the Hong Kong government through a partnership, the Hong Kong Jockey Club is currently operating Tai Kwun. As an initiator of the development plan, the organization generally represents the dominating power in the development of Tai Kwun. The concept of dominating power and cultural hegemony raised by Anderson (2009) will be illustrated through the following empirical analysis.

3. Empirical Analysis

Trace 1: Layout Planning

One of the essential traces in reflecting the values of a dominating power exerted to a place is Tai Kwun’s layout planning. Through studying the allocation of prime areas and non-prime areas of Tai Kwun, we can analyze how the dominating power – The Jockey Club CPS Limited – presents Tai Kwun to the public. Although heritage preservation and art promotion were repeatedly claimed to be the significant motives of Tai Kwun, a stronger emphasis on commercial elements was observed, as the prime locations were all rented out to restaurants, bars, and shops.

Figure 2. A Map of Tai Kwun. (Reprinted from Map & Directory, Tai Kwun. Copyright by The Jockey Club CPS Limited. Retrieved from https://www.taikwun.hk/en/visit/map_directory)

During our visit to Tai Kwun, it is observed and noticed that the Storytelling Spaces are particularly small and located in non-prime areas. For instance, the room for “The Story of Central Police Station” is on underground level two. The obscurity of the location reduces the interests of visitors to explore. On the contrary, the prime areas, such as ground floor and upper floors with terraces, are rented out to shops and bars. As a case in point, the Parade Ground, located closest to the entrance, is surrounded by restaurants and shops including famous brands such as Vivienne Tam. These dispositions have done the purpose of heritage preservation and promotion of art a disservice. Another prominent example is the JC Contemporary, originally designed to promote contemporary art, sits at the furthest corner of the structure, requiring visitors to go through the Parade Ground and the relatively long Tai Kwun Lane before reaching the museum. Since the easily accessible areas have been designed for commercial instead of serving historical and artistic preservation purposes, it is hence deduced that the Jockey Club CPS Limited is placing such a stronger emphasis on commercial gains to the point where they overshadowed the “main motives”.

Trace 2: Localization and Language

The second trace is the signs of localization. Localization refers to the process of adapting a product or content to a specific locale or market in order to boost its development (Globalisation & Localisation Association, n.d.). After visiting various restaurants in Tai Kwun, a few interesting names for dishes and beverages were discovered, including ‘Maximum Sentence’, ‘1997 Punch’, ‘Vet Antidote’ and ‘D Hell Curry Chicken’. It is hence deduced that the history of Tai Kwun influenced the naming process, integrating commercial elements with revitalization. Those “localized” names are inspired by the original functions and the history of Tai Kwun. However, without adequate information, visitors will find difficulty in understanding the hidden meanings and stories. The attempts of location serve the sole purpose of commercialization. In an 8-page menu at one of the bars, only three localized drinks are provided, while the others are box-standard drinks that can be found anywhere. Visitors may hence find it difficult to discern the preservation of cultural and historical value of Tai Kwun by this mean. Besides, only a few bars or restaurants, such as Hidden Bars, have adopted the theme of prison cells to match with the original function of Tai Kwun. Though the localization of catering in Tai Kwun helps to promote the historical value of Tai Kwun, there is indubitably more emphasis on the commercial and business aspect.

Figure 3. "Localized” names for drinks in the Dispensary, a bar at Tai Kwun.

Trace 3: Commercialized nature of Tai Kwun

The third trace is the overriding value of profit maximization over cultural conservation. Owing to Hong Kong’s long tradition of economic development, integration of business elements into heritage conservation is genuinely accepted as a normality for locals and visitors. The dominating group, Hong Kong Jockey Club, advocates the ‘Value of Central District’ - a pursuit of economic wealth, efficiency, development and globalization. These elements served as the index for social progress and further developed into the core value of Hong Kong. The economic benefit, therefore, became a critical consideration in developments of every aspect. One of the interviewees mentioned that allocating public funds to financially support heritage conservation is not sustainable in the long run. This is due to the operation model of heritage revitalization is being heavily influenced by the ideology of the Hong Kong Jockey Club: minimizing the loss and increasing the profits by adding business elements in operation of the heritage. This allow the project to achieve self-sufficiency and sustainability in management, rather than solely relying on insufficient government funds, which would have never broken even, not to mention made a profit. Therefore, business elements have to be added into Tai Kwun revitalization project in order to follow the cost-effectiveness principle. As suggested by the interview, under the influence of the dominating ideology of the dominating power, Tai Kwun revitalization tends to focus on cost-effectiveness.

Figure 4. The Jockey Club Contemporary, an art gallery displaying various contemporary arts in Tai Kwun. (Photo by Chengting Xie/ CC BY 3.0)

Besides, it will be a huge generalization to declare the idea that heritage conservation merely requires preserving the original hardware of the building and brief introduction of history. Interviewees acknowledged the alteration of space utilization in Tai Kwun, as long as the architectural style of the building is intact with the location’s history in mind. They also found development acceptable as long as it the space is used to its full potential. Extra commercial elements also enhanced the attractiveness of the site. Therefore, it is concluded that under the influence of cultural hegemony - ‘value of central district’, the inheritance and importance of history and culture of colonial Hong Kong have been gradually minimized. Instead, the financial gains brought by the commercial elements are far more paramount. Moreover, only 2 out of 6 halls of Victoria Prison in Tai Kwun are kept in their original design and are used for history introduction. The remaining halls, however, were redesigned into restaurants or abolished. The evidence reveals that the most fundamental element of revitalization, the original function of the building, has already been abandoned. Unable to retain its function of illustrating colonial history, Tai Kwun seems to have lost its core purpose. The significance of historical heritage conservation is not fully shown in this preservation project.

4.  Conclusion

Through studying the three aforementioned traces, the Hong Kong Jockey Club, as the dominating power, enforces the ideology that commercial elements are indispensable in Tai Kwun revitalization. They justified their actions taken to achieve financial sustainability of heritage revitalization. Initial evidence reveals the financial sustainability is of greater emphasis than the preservation of history and art. However, further investigation is required for a comprehensive assessment of the effects of commercial elements in the Tai Kwun revitalization project. Tai Kwun is not only a tangible cultural heritage illustrating the colonial history of Hong Kong, but also a community landmark for our contemporary society. Therefore, we should rethink whether commercial gains or cultural preservation should be prioritized when revitalizing historical establishments.

5.  References

Anderson, J. (2009). Understanding cultural geography: places and traces. Routledge.

Globalization and Localization Association. (2017, September 15). What is Localization? Retrieved December 1, 2018, from https://www.galaglobal.org/industry/intro-language-industry/what-localization

The Hong Kong Jockey Club. (2015, November 6). Open call for an art exhibition and request for retail proposals at revitalized heritage site - The Jockey Club CPS Limited will operate as Tai Kwun Centre for Heritage and Art. Retrieved December 1, 2018, from https://www.hkjc.com/english/corporate/racing_news_item.asp?in_file=/english/news/2015-11/news_2015110601410.html

The Jockey Club CPS Limited. (2018). Revitalization Timeline. Retrieved December 1, 2018, from https://www.taikwun.hk/en/taikwun/conservation/restoration_story

1. Introduction

In China, there is a long history of the circulation and transformation of money. Shell coins, which are derived from the barter trade method, are the most primitive coins that appeared in the Shang and Zhou dynasties. Since then, money has been changing over time and even evolved to different new currencies such as Qin Banliang, a coin which has a round edge and square hole, in Qin Dynasty. For all currencies, its core value as a medium of exchange is eternal, but its ancillary values like text, shape, weight, and pattern were varied. From our observation regarding the aforementioned ancient coins, the ancillary values' transformation was mainly caused by insufficient knowledge, ancient beliefs, the convenience of the transactions, anti-counterfeiting, internal affairs, and the purpose of strengthening the centralization.

Figure 1. Evolution of currency in China

Now, the era of the circular coin with a four-sided hole is over, Renminbi has been the Chinese official currency for more than 70 years. Yet the ever-changing nature of the currency's ancillary values remains constant. We use money daily, and we are also aware of the change in the appearance of banknotes over the years, but seldom do we contemplate the reasons behind such transformations. It is time for us to learn about the less obvious but in-depth messages carried by these small pieces of paper. Therefore, this research aims to investigate the change in the ancillary value of currencies in China through a cultural geographical perspective.

2. A Cultural Geographical Perspective on Currency

From a cultural geography perspective, culture refers to people’s beliefs and values. With experiences and influence from other parts of the world, culture changes from time to time. For example, under globalization, many Chinese would value individualization rather than collectivism. Meanwhile, both the history and the present factors forming context help shape society, thus explain the particular existence of phenomena and lead to some changes. Some of the contexts would be law, environment, climate, etc. Consequently, from a cultural geography perspective, the culture and context are tentative to change, together they form a “place” and traces have arisen from culture. Under constant development, culture, thus people’s behavior and traces do not stay the same but alter bit by bit.

In our project, we are focusing on the evolution of currency in China over the years. The truth is that currency is a "place” in cultural geography that combines many different traces. Not only is currency affected by the economy and business when tracing back to the years, factors like the Chinese people's education level also resulted in the currency used in the past. We aim to find out reasons of the changes in the currency as a place.

The following study will evaluate how the political and social status was back in the days in China led to the changes in Chinese currency. We try to find some common trend to the alterations in order to indicate their ancillary values. On the other hand, by comparing the currencies, including coins and cash, we also discover how Chinese people wanted to use currency this trace to preserve their culture and boost the country’s development too.

Figure 2. Cultural geography concept

3. Empirical analysis

Our research covers both ancient and modern Chinese currency. Since the Renminbi (RMB) brings us a greater insight into how the currency will evolve in our future, the cultural geography of the first and fifth series (latest series) of the Renminbi will be highlighted in this section. And we focus on two aspects reflected by the traces on Renminbi's pattern-- target reader and convenience.

First Series of Renminbi

To understand the traces on the first series of Renminbi, one must appreciate its production history. In brief, this currency was published amid the civil war between the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Kuomintang Chinese Nationalist Party. The CPC won and governed the mainland. It is conceivable that the resident’s faith in the new government dropped. From the CPC’s point of view, gaining citizens’ trust is of utmost importance. Therefore, it published a down-to-earth design for the first series. The banknote pictures reflect the agricultural and industrial production at that time, such as workers and farmers, and factories. As such, the worker class would consider the CPC government as a considerable political power and resulted in crowd support directly. By addressing the internal target, the goal of maintaining political stability was achieved.

Figure 3. A version of first series Renminbi that shows workers and farmers

(Source: The People’s Bank of China, 2011)

Figure 4. A version of first series Renminbi that shows factories

(Source: The People’s Bank of China, 2011)

A trace of the first series Renminbi---having huge denomination --- appeared after the following event. In 1950, citizens began to spend the Renminbi extensively due to the fear that it would devalue. As such, the velocity of the money skyrocketed. The inflation pressure became high; As a result, the denomination of the first series of Renminbi was raised, even up to RMB 50,000 (Cheung, 2009). You may ask why the People’s Bank of China would issue a version with a new and larger denomination? If we observe China’s geographical context---price levels in 1950, (Table 1), we will understand the value of convenience was influential. As money's core function is facilitating exchange, it is senseless to keep using banknotes with a low denomination. To sum up, inflation coupled with the emphasis on convenience, promoted the appearance of the huge denomination in the first series Renminbi.

Table 1. Price levels in 1950

(Cheung, 2009)

Figure 5. The front appearance of first series Renminbi for RMB 50,000

(Source: The People’s Bank of China, 2011)

Fifth Series of Renminbi

The extrinsic values of Renminbi have changed dramatically from unifying currencies into spreading Chinese personality traits, strengthening ethnic fusion, as well as boosting the tourism industry in China, which shows a transition in China’s future development plan, from focusing on the own country to the world, in which China aims to become the world’s foremost economy to avoid suppression of other nations.

In the fifth series of RMB, several characteristics, such as using different languages, images of most appreciated flowers, and renowned tourist scenic spots, are added. In addition to Pinyin, four other ethnic minority languages are printed to demonstrate China’s goal in promoting ethnic unity. The flowers in the center, such as plum blossom, indicate China's significant spirits and Chinese personality. These alterations in banknotes are expected to influence youngsters to understand Chinese culture for educational purposes. Moreover, a significant trace in revealing the impact of adopting photos of China's cultural landscape on RMB banknotes is the increasing attention of both Chinese and foreigners to these tourist attractions. As a tourist, you will be aware of the money. Having the hottest checked-in attractions, such as the Guilin landscape on the notes are notable soft power promotion and align with China’s development plan to foster economic growth remarkably.

Also, the obverse of the fifth series of banknotes includes a portrait of Mao Zedong in remembrance of his thoughts. Mao Zedong, a communist leader, gained support and trust in his times. The change in cultural traces of RMB is due to the aim to positively inspire numberless people in modern days, as well as anticipating adolescents to “Serve the People”.

Since the reform and opening up of China in 1978, China’s economy has bloomed and has now become the world's largest economy (on a purchasing power parity basis), manufacturer, merchandise, exporter and importer, and holder of foreign exchange reserves. (Falianty, 2019) Chinese are getting more and more wealthy, thus, processing increasing purchasing power, the use of Renminbi is expected to become more and more universal. There is a need to autonomize the transaction of banknotes to sustain the economic growth and maintain the efficiency. Thus, the fifth series of Renminbi has included over twenty security measures. Shops and banks can use currency detectors to verify the genuineness of notes and coins. The quality and reliability of the fifth series of Renminbi has vastly improved, especially focusing on the technological input. For instance, the portrait of Mao Zedong as relief, microprinting and optical variable ink. These features prevent the counterfeit of Renminbi, also promoting the implementation of modernized autonomic transactions.

Figure 6. The security measures of fifth series Renminbi for RMB 50

(Source: The People’s Bank of China, 2019)

Other than improving its security measures, Renminbi has also included braille on the front of banknotes since the fourth series of Renminbi. There were almost 18 million people with visual impairment in China in 2018 and they accounted for around 20% of China’s total disabled population. (China Association of the Blind, 2018) With such a large community who live in constant darkness, it is very important to make them feel included in society and help them in their everyday lives. With braille on the banknotes, blind people can tell the domination of the currency easily. This has greatly improved the convenience of using Renminbi for them, not only promoting the rights of people in need, but also encouraging the unity of people to embrace people with different needs. This measure has made Renminbi more convenient and a symbol of social harmony.

From the above analysis, we can conclude that the target reader was shifted from internal (mainland Chinese) to global and the convenience of Renminbi was kept.

4. Conclusion

From the cultural geography perspective, through the appearance of ancient coins and modern Chinese currency both reveal the culture at that period. Those currency show what values are essential: region, internal affairs, convenience, and diversity. It indicates people’s beliefs and values are keeping on changing over the years.

Until now, there are more methods to make payment eg digital Renminbi. Although the convenience of Renminbi was kept, it also loses other values. The value of the currency is narrowing. Nowadays, users care about the effectiveness and convenience more than others value of the currency. Together with China’s stronger participation in globalization, in the future, e-payment of Renminbi without geographical constraint will be more popular.

References

Cheung, L. (2009). 新中國第一次通貨膨脹與第一套人民幣面額結構的形成 [New China’s first inflation and the formation of the first series of RMB denomination structure]. Hebei Finance, 6(3).

China Association of the Blind. (2018). NGO Alternative Report on the Implementation of Convention of the Rights of the Child. Retrieved from China  Association of the    Blind - Ohchrwww2.ohchr.org › english › bodies › crc › docs › ngos

COVID-19 to drive digital payments take-up in Hong Kong. (n.d.). Retrieved October 18, 2020, from https://hongkongbusiness.hk/financial-services/news/covid-19-drive-digital-payments-take-in-hong-kong ‌

Falianty, T. (2019). Renminbi in ASEAN Economy: How ASEAN responds to Renminbi Internationalization. Journal of Economic Cooperation & Development, 40(3), 1– 24. Retrieved from http://easyaccess.lib.cuhk.edu.hk.easyaccess2.lib.cuhk.edu.hk/login? url=https://www-proquest-com.easyaccess2.lib.cuhk.edu.hk/docview/2337330422? accountid=10371

The People’s Bank of China. (2011, March 26). The First Series of RMB. Web.Archive.Org. https://web.archive.org/web/20110326050342 http://www.pbc.gov.c/n/publish/huobijinyinju/664/index.html

The People’s Bank of China. (2019). Banknote of the Fifth Series of RMB. Retrieved from http://www.pbc.gov.cn/rmyh/2019rmb/index.html

1.  Introduction

Kowloon Walled City was a Chinese military fort in Hong Kong, which turned into an enclave after the New Territories were leased to Britain in 1898. During the Japanese occupation, the Walled City was zoned as the Kowloon City Development Zone of British Hong Kong and was narrowed to 2.6 hectares. It used to be the most crowded area containing more than 50,000 residents. It was also an ungoverned settlement controlled by local triads, having a high rate of prostitution, gambling and drug abuse. 

In the 1980s, the colonial government decided to demolish the Walled City and it was eventually demolished in 1994. Nowadays, the Kowloon Walled City has become a legendary place in the history of Hong Kong.

In this project, we will study the mysterious despairing Kowloon Walled City from its production of space with the Spatial Triad by Henri Lefebvre. 

2.  Cultural Geographical Perspective in Use

From the perspectives of cultural geography, a place is formed by interactions between geographical context and cultures, which hence create various traces, both tangible and intangible.

The composition of Kowloon Walled City can be analyzed as:

Figure 1: Kowloon Walled City from Cultural Geographical Perspectives

Noticeably, with the demolition of Kowloon Walled City in 1994, the importance of Geographical Context and Cultures has faded out as most traces, results of the interactions between the two, have disappeared. Its representations have hence become the major traces of Kowloon Walled City nowadays.

These kinds of memory, in terms of the Spatial Triad by Henri Lefebvre, are Representational Space. The theory states that a space comprises Representations of Space, Spatial Practice and Representational Space which are later defined by Steward (1995) shown in the Figure 2, together with its application to the case of Kowloon Walled City:

Figure 2: Kowloon Walled City in Production of Space

The three constituents, later elaborated by Wang (2009), are dependent on each other and cannot live alone. Thus, even after demolition of the City, it can only be concluded that Representational Space has become dominant in its creation nowadays. Later parts of this study will then focus on the Representational Space of Kowloon Walled City, investigating the influences from Representations of Space and Spatial Practice on it, as well as its internal changes with time.

3.  Empirical Analysis

3.1   Space and Politics (from representations of space to representational space)

Dirty, poor and ungoverned become the first impression when the Kowloon Walled City is mentioned. The Kowloon Walled City began in the center of Hong Kong where it served as garrison of Chinese government. (Fulton, 2016) It became a place where the Chinese government was reluctant to give up to the Britain and insisted strongly to maintain its jurisdiction after the Convention of Peking. (Sinn,1987)

「所有現在九龍城駐紮之中國官員仍可在城內各司其事」

Figure 3: Convention of the Extension of Hong Kong Territory

(Academy of Chinese Studies, n.d.)

Later Britain took actions to retain its jurisdiction of Kowloon Walled City and claimed it would be administered the same way as other parts of the Colony. However, the fact was both Chinese and British governments declared their jurisdictions of the City, but none put in effort to administrate the city.

Figure 4: Reasons for the Ungoverned State of Kowloon Walled City

As a result, the place gradually became ungoverned and a deficiency of authority, creating the mysterious image of the City, as the saying goes:

「香港政府不敢管，英國政府不想管，中國政府不能管」 (Lu, 2002)

The failure at ruling the City, coupled with its mainly low-class composition, had led to the rise of gangs. This ruling power had continued expanding so greatly that an avalanche of crimes such as drug abuse and fighting were reported. (Kowloon City District Council, 2005) This further undermined the jurisdiction of China and Britain, as well as worsened the image of the City.

Noticeably, under the control of gangs, Kowloon Walled City did not have any development plans. Given that Hong Kong had been continuing its role as an entrepot and even developing manufacturing industries, the physical landscape and living standard of people in Hong Kong had been increasing. However, the ungoverned Kowloon Walled City had most constructions remained how they used to look like, as an old Chinese town with plaques, historical buildings, cannons et cetera. This strong difference had further developed the mysterious, poor dirty image of Kowloon Walled City.

“Chinese Town” was used to represent Kowloon City

Figure 5: Map of Hong Kong and Kowloon in 1915

(An Official Guide, 1915)

3.2   Space and Culture (from spatial practice to representational space)

When we look back at the Kowloon Walled City, it reminds us of dark alleys and a dense population. At the same time, the 25,900 square meters of concrete jungle is what 50,000 people called home. (Routley, 2019) Inside this community is where drug addicts and children walk the same halls, and prostitutes and priests live side-by-side. Despite the different walks of life, inside this vertical village, close bonds were formed between neighbors as the community coordinates to conserve electricity, repair shared infrastructure and organize garbage disposal.

The existence of the Kowloon Walled City caused planes to turn 45 degrees before landing at the Kai Tak airport and the buildings were no more than 14 floors high to avoid collisions with aircrafts. (Routley, 2019) In the dense Walled City, staircases and alleys were interconnected creating a labyrinth where you could walk from north to south without touching solid ground. (Girard & Lambot, 1999) Additionally, because buildings were built side-by-side, many rooms have no windows or natural lighting which makes the City's rooftops an important place to gather, relax and children to play or do homework after school. (“Devil's Paradise”: 1900-1992, n.d.) Hence, the Kowloon Walled City demonstrates communal living where much of the perceived space acts as shared space for the vertical village. Additionally, without the help of architects and engineers, the Walled City demonstrates people can get along just fine without regulations guiding every aspect of life.

Indeed, the Walled City is notorious for a high crime rate. However, contrary to popular beliefs, only a small number of people in the City engage in criminal activities and most are just elderlies living out their retirement. (“Devil's Paradise”: 1900-1992, n.d.) In 1983, the Walled City’s crime rate was declared under control, however, the city was still known for unlicensed doctors and dentists who continued to operate without prosecution. In a sense the Walled City created a shadow economy for Hong Kong as it contained hundreds of unregulated workshops and factories that provided outsiders with lower priced goods and services.

3.3   Kowloon Walled City in Representations (changes in representational space)

After the demolition of the Kowloon Walled City and the handover of Hong Kong, the local imagination of the Walled City has been proactively shifting from a grim, lawless mess to a site of old colonial Hong Kong aesthetic and nostalgia under Hong Kong's social and historical context in recent decade. Back when the Kowloon Walled City was still barely standing in the Kowloon Peninsula as an overly dense slum (before 1993), the City was notorious for its safety and hygiene issues. From drug dealing, prostitution to the consumption of dog meat, these menacing practices scared away outsiders from entering this dark spot of the City and covered it with a veil of mystery. The 1984 Hong Kong film, Long Arm of the Law, managed to capture the overall imagination of lawlessness and hideousness towards the place. This infamous image of the Kowloon Walled City constituted by both facts and rumors had been clouding the locals until new meanings were installed onto the Walled City after the 1997 handover.

As the political ambiguity of the Kowloon Walled City was weaved upon the tension between the British colonial power and Qing/Chinese government, the political significance of the Walled City dissolved after the demolition and handover. Such politically sensitive traces of the site and the habitats were cleansed from the official historical discourse after the handover. (Guan, 2014) Yet, unlike its fading traces, the image of the Kowloon Walled City was widely adapted and discussed amongst many postcolonial media pieces. From book City of Darkness Revisited (2014), TV drama A Fist Within Four Walls (2016) to video game Paranormal HK (2020), the obsession towards the visual and image of the walled concrete conglomerate was obvious. Without the blood stink of slaughtered dogs and suffocating ventilation in the crowded apartment, the history of the Walled City was sanitized and extracted to constitute the well-decorated version of the Kowloon Walled City for nostalgia. This new interpretation of the Walled City would be a product of the postcolonial reflection of Hong Kong people and would play an important role in the constitution of local cultural identity. 

4.  Conclusion

Using Henri Lefebvre’s Spatial Triad, we were able to study Kowloon Walled City under three interconnected spatial thinking. From Representations of Space, owing to the changes in time and rulership, the conceived space of the Kowloon Walled City with high-rise buildings densely constructed side-by-side was created. This characterized feature has also shaped a unique Spatial Practice there, namely the close bonds between neighbors, the formation of a tight community within the dense area, as well as safety and hygiene issues. Additionally, because of its Spatial Practice, the Kowloon Walled City is shrouded with mysteries and has become a popular Representational Space for lawlessness and poverty. Although the political traces of Kowloon Walled City have slowly faded due to its political sensitivity, the geographical status of the Kowloon Walled City lives on in popular modern media and culture.

Reference

“Devil's Paradise”: 1900-1992. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://mediakron.bc.edu/edges/the-yamen-an-inquiry-into-identity-and-place-in-the-kowloon-walled-city/devils-paradise-1900-1992

Academy of Chinese Studies. (n.d.). Pictorial History: The New Territories were leased to Britain. Retrieved from https://chiculture.org.hk/en/node/1201

An Official Guide to Eastern Asia, Volume 4: China. (1915). Tokyo: The Imperial Japanese Government Railways.

Carney, J. (2013 Mar 16). Kowloon Walled City: Life in the City of Darkness. South China Morning Post: Old Hong Kong. Retrieved from https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/article/1191748/kowloon-walled-city-life-city-darkness

Fulton, M. (2016). The History of Kowloon Walled City In 1 Minute. Retrieved from https://theculturetrip.com/asia/china/hong-kong/articles/history-of-kowloon-walled-city-in-1-minute/

Girard, G., & Lambot, I. (1999). City of Darkness Life in Kowloon Walled City. Surrey: Watermark.

Guan, H. Y. (2014). 從歷史裏走出來的九龍城寨 [Kowloon Walled City from History]. Cultural Studies @Lingnan, 43, Article 7. Retrieved from http://commons.ln.edu.hk/mcsln/vol43/iss1/7/

Jones, G. (2011). The Kowloon City District and the Clearance of the Kowloon Walled City: Personal Recollections. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch, 51, 257-278. Retrieved fromhttp://www.jstor.org/stable/23891943

Kowloon City District Council. (2005). 九龍城區風物志 [Story of Kowloon City District]. Hong Kong: Wan Li Book.

Lee, J.J. (2016). Kowloon Walled City Revisited: Photography and Post coloniality in the City of Darkness. Difficult Histories, 6:2. Retrieved from https://quod.lib.umich.edu/t/tap/7977573.0006.202/--kowloon-walled-city-revisited-photography?rgn=main;view=fulltext

Lu, J. (2002). 九龍城寨史話 [History of Kowloon Walled City]. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing.

Routley, N. (2019). This Fascinating City Within Hong Kong Was Lawless For Decades. Retrieved from https://www.visualcapitalist.com/kowloon-walled-city/

Sinn, E. (1987). Kowloon Walled City: Its Origin and Early History. Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 27, 30-45. Retrieved from https://www.jstor.org/stable/23886841?seq=9#metadata_info_tab_contents

Steward, L. (1995). Bodies, Visions and Spatial Politics: a Review Essay on Henri Lefebvre’s The Production of Space. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 13, 609-618.

Wang, C. H. (2009). Dialectics in Multitude: Exploration into/beyond Henri Lefebvre’s Conceptual Triad of Production of Space. Journal of Geographical Science, 55, 1-24. https://doi.org/10.6161/jgs.2009.55.01

1. Introduction

In Hong Kong, distinctive signboards of pawn shops are omnipresent. While the pawnbroking industry may be regarded as a “sunset industry”, there are still approximately 200 pawn shops in Hong Kong, a city where cut-throat competition and sky-rocketing high rent are found (HKPA, 2020). As an industry that witnessed the city’s growth for nearly 200 years, the development of the pawnbroking industry in Hong Kong was greatly associated with the city’s socio-economic development (see Figure 1).

It is blatant that the socio-economic development of Hong Kong is greatly influenced by other countries. For instance, the pawnbroking industry experienced significant expansion in the late-19th century when the city reformed as a major regional entrepôt and was then halted during the Japanese occupation.

To unveil the mystery behind the prosperity of the pawnbroking industry, our project casts light on how globalization influenced and transformed some characteristics of pawn shops in Hong Kong consequently, resulting in Hong Kong's contemporary pawn shop culture, using the perspective of cultural geography.

Table 1. Developmental stages of Hong Kong’s pawnbroking industry and its associated socioeconomic backgrounds.

(Sources: Cheng & Ko, 2016; Chui, 2015; Sze et al., 2013)

Stage	Before 1842	1842-1926 1st Vigorous Expansion	1926-1941: 1st Challenge & Stable Dev’t afterwards	1941-1945: A Halt	1945-1990: 2nd Vigorous Expansion	1990-present: Stable Development
No. of pawn shops	16	1890s-40 ⇒ 1920s-135	~ 90 in early-1930s ⇒ develop stably afterwards	/	1980s-160	200 (present)
Events	/	1842-Colonial rule in HK (Fish Village --> Entrepôt/ Trading Centre)	1932-World Econ Crisis 1937-JP’s Invasion of China	1941-JP’s invasion of HK	1945-Liberation 1979-Reform and Opening-up 1982&1988- Stock Market Crashes	1997-Handover 2003-CEPA
Other factors	/	Influx of Population (businessman and workers) -Population Growth	-Gov’t monitoring from 1926 -Great competition among pawn shops	Great demand of clothes in China	Supportive attitude from colonial gov’t -Influx of Population -Economic transformation	-Economic dev’t -Competition from the financial industry

Figure 1. A typical pawn shop in Hong Kong

(source: the authors)

2. Cultural geographical perspective in use

Globalization is a process, referring to the substance and spirit of the movement of products to break through the shackles of national boundaries, affecting every corner of the planet’s life. Apart from products, culture and technology are also spread through globalization, influencing and changing those from other countries.

Cultural geography states that traces, which are affected by context and culture, constitutes places. To illustrate the impacts of globalization on pawn shops, we will discuss how context and culture changed as a result of globalization.  This affects people's beliefs and behaviours, contributing to the formation and transformation of material traces (screen doors and counters) and non-material traces (business models and trading methods) of pawn shops. As a result, the location, locale and sense of place of pawn shops change, indicating a change in place.

Figure 2. Cultural geographical perspective framework

(source: the authors)

3. Empirical analysis

3a. How globalization leads to changes in context and culture

The British colonization of Hong Kong had indeed marked the start of globalization and its impact on Hong Kong we see now. Due to globalisation, back in the 1950's, Hong Kong had had industrialization and financial market development (Schenk, Catherine, 2008). As a result, it improves the overall living standard of Chinese, which is shown in their increased expenditure on leisure and enjoyment. From then on, Chinese started to adopt the western, consumerist lifestyle in their daily lives, which allows ample of opportunities for the exchange and interaction of Chinese and western cultures in the future, which reforms the context and culture of pawn shops in Hong Kong.  

3b. How material traces reflect changes due to globalization

Screen Doors

In the past, pawn shops had screen doors to block the view of passers-by and give customers more privacy to reduce their embarrassment (Mogul, 2020). With the blooming economy, prices skyrocketed and Hong Kong became more of a consumer society (Wang, 2015). The influx of western cultures through globalization also lowered the importance of the Chinese value to be self-sufficient (Terrill, 1977) so people became more willing to ask for help when needed. These decreased the shame and embarrassment of people having the need to borrow money (Chui, 2015), hence screen doors of pawn shops nowadays are just used as a decoration, indicating a change in material traces due to change in culture.

Counters

Back then, high counters were present in pawn shops, protected by bars for security. High counters were set to prevent people from seeing how pawnbrokers appraise the goods, which demonstrate the superior status of pawnbrokers over customers, aiming to lower customers’ bargaining power in order to increase monetary return (Annayiu, 2017) (Chui, 2020). However, the idea was then diminished due to globalization. In the early 1900s, the value of “The customer is always right” pioneered in Western societies (Blake, 2018). but the importance of customer services was first recognised in Hong Kong in 2002 (tc155, 2006). Therefore, it is strongly believed that the concept of equality or even prioritising customers affected pawn shops by then (Hunt, 2019). From then on, pawn shops have counters of regular height, where customers are able to communicate with pawnbrokers at eye level. Furthermore, the advancement and influx of foreign technology replaces the metal bars with modern security glass and CCTV for security (Chui, 2020).

Figure 3. Screen door and counter in a pawn shop

(source: the authors)

3c. How non-material traces reflect changes due to globalization

Business Models

Under globalization, the pawnbroking industry developed a more comprehensive business model in response to the high demand in society. Pawn shops nowadays started to raise funds from the stock market and cooperate with partners in search for significant trades in property mortgages or valuable pawn goods. Take Oiwahpawn as an example, it has over ten branches evenly distributed in Hong Kong. Each of its branches is responsible for different businesses and services, for instance, Tak Wan Pawnshop provides pawn and redemption services to the customers, while Kei Wah pawnshop offers mortgage and property valuation services to customers. Therefore, we can see that Pawn shops nowadays adopt chain operation, rather than just a single party, which aims to reach distinctive targets through wholly owned subsidiaries’ merger and acquisition (pawnshop.com.hk/en/index, 2020, retrieved November 10,2020).

Figure 4. Oiwahpawn - Detailed Address and Map of the chain stores

(source:https://www.pawnshop.com.hk/en/map)

Trading Methods

Globalization also brought challenges to pawn shops in Hong Kong. With the advancement of intercommunication, people tend to use mobile applications to exchange their products for money, such as Carousell (Carousell.com, 2020, retrieved November 10,2020), one of the most popular applications for customer-to-customer transactions. A simple comparison with these mobile applications can easily reveal the inconvenience of pawn shops nowadays. Therefore, some pawn shops improved their online assets valuation system in response. Using Oiwah Pawn Group as an example, they developed an advanced online system to evaluate the price of assets, so customers can know the worth of their goods instantly, helping modern pawn shops to reposition themselves in the Hong Kong’s pawnbroking market.

Figure 5. OiWah Pawnshop - Online Mortgage Evaluation and Process

(source: https://www.pawnshop.com.hk/en/mortgage)

3d. How place (location, locale, sense of place) changes as a result

Place is a concrete concept that changes with time. In our case, the place is changing with foreign cultural shocks and technological evolutions over time. Place, such as location refers to a particular cultural landscape or object that symbolises the combined work of human and nature (Sigrist ,2011); locale refers to a geographic place at which there is or was human activity (USGS, retrieved November 10,2020); sense of space refers to the perspectives and feelings that individuals or groups hold towards the geographical areas (Hoste, 2012).

Location

Number of pawn shops have undergone dramatic changes due to social development in Hong Kong (see Table 1.). Currently, there are approximately 200 pawn shops in Hong Kong, populated in Yau TsimMong district (HKPA, 2020). With technological globalization, pawn shops have also undergone computerization and digitization, where customers can pawn goods simply through electronic devices (see Figure 5.).

Locale

There are 66 premises issued with mahjong/Tin Kau Licence currently in Hong Kong. Within Yau Tsim Mong district, there are already 10 mahjong schools in Mong Kok present (Licensing Offices, 2020). We can see that there is a close relationship between Pawn shops and mahjong schools, which is proved in our field study. This allows gamblers to pawn goods with them to earn extra money and continue with gambling conveniently (Michael, 2019).

Figure 6. Close relationship between pawn shops and mahjong schools

(source: the authors)

Sense of place

Generally speaking, the older generations have a strong sense of belonging to pawn shops in Hong Kong, while the younger generations do not (Wong, M.H, 2019). Back in the Eastern Han Dynasty, the concept related to “pawning” was found in “ShuoWenJieZi” (zdic.net, retrieved November 10,2020), indicating that pawn shops play an important role in lending in the olden days. It was not until the 1950's that the lending system shifted from pawn shops to modern banks and financial institutions due to the globalisation of technology (SivaShankar, 2013). Being offered numerous choices of institutions for lending, most younger generations have less exposure to pawn shops, having less sense of belonging to pawn shops.

4. Conclusion

Growing with Hong Kong for nearly two centuries, the material and non-material traces of the local pawnbroking industry, including its architectural features, mode of business and operation, have greatly mirrored the city’s socio-economic development and the change of dominating ideologies over history as a result of globalization. Although the ever-changing status quo may pose challenges towards the development of pawn shops, the local pawnbroking industry has been resilient and flexible in responding to them accordingly. Hence, we strongly believe that the pawnbroking industry can stand firm in the future.

References

Annayiu. (2017)。<建築設計篇>。《當鋪-生存之秘》。取自https://passhonpropawnshop.wordpress.com/2017/05/01/%E5%BB%BA%E7%AF%89%E7%89%B9%E8%89%B2%E7%AF%87/

Blake, M. (2018).  A Global View of “The Customer Is Always Right”. Retrieved from: https://www.forbes.com/sites/blakemorgan/2018/09/24/a-global-view-of-the-customer-is-always-right/?sh=13231d12236f

Cheng, W.T., & Ko, H. (2016) 。白手興家 : 香港家族與社會, 1841-1941 [Build a Home from Scratch: Family and Society of Hong Kong] 。香港: 中華書局(香港)有限公司。

Chui, C.P. (2015)。我哋當舖好有情 [ Our pawn shop good love ]。 香港: 突破出版社。

Chui, C.P.（2020）。〈當鋪設計- 從當鋪外觀到內部裝修〉[Design of Pawn Shops: From the exteriors to interior decoration]。《香港當舖遊蹤》[Tour of Pawn Shops in Hong Kong]。取自: https://www.jointpublishing.com/JointPublishing2013/media/Joint-Publishing/9789620446375-text-%E8%A9%A6%E8%AE%80%E9%A0%81.pdf?ext=.pdf

Costantini, I. (2019). Health, Education and Wellbeing in Hong Kong: British Legacy and Ne. Retrieved from: https://journals.openedition.org/interventionseconomiques/6472#tocto1n1

Figure 1. The Star Ferry

(RailTravel Station, 2019)

1. Introduction

Nowadays, capitalism rules the world in the sense of dominating economic and cultural systems. The globalization of capitalism further empowers capitalism to influence city governance practices and create traces over the world. To raise competitiveness, many cities begin to adopt marketing strategies to promote themselves. To attract capital, the city administration adopts marketing strategies to promote the city itself. In this process, the city started to conduct urban planning policies based on capitalist logic, which means that they began to use the entrepreneur's perception to manage the city. Capitalism, therefore, has deeply penetrated the city's urban planning. The Hong Kong government has also utilized image-building strategies to market the city. Since 2001, the government has launched the Brand Hong Kong program for promoting Hong Kong as a global city with security, good connectivity, and rich diversity. The city administration actively planned and implemented various development projects to establish a city image, just like the government. However, as these development projects may dismantle or reconstruct existing buildings, citizens may reject them and struggle for their place. Thus, this project would study how urban planning commercializes space and how citizens resist these capitalism-based policies for protecting their traces by analyzing the case of Central Reclamation Phase III and the Star Ferry Pier movement.

2. Capitalism, Globalization and City Marketing 

From the cultural geography perspective, space is a social product that is formed by social and political factors. Lefebvre (1991) states that space is a product of capitalist society and a site of class struggle (as cited in Vilalta, 2008). To study why the urban space of Hong Kong becomes commercialized under the government's urban planning, it is vital to discuss how capitalism and globalization change government attitudes towards capital and city planning.

The globalization of capitalism has increased capital mobility, changed the rules of the game, and empowered corporations to influence government governance. To attract capital and compete with one another, cities began to adopt place marketing strategies to promote themselves. They started to use imagery to aestheticize places to increase their competitiveness (Hughes, 1999). For example, they may project themselves as an ideal business place, living place, and tourist destination to attract investment, talents, and tourism (Hughes, 1999). Cities then were aesthetically revamped to match with these invisible city image discourses (i.e. an ideal business place) and make the city image become visible in order to attract capital investors. One strategy is to build social and cultural infrastructures such as festival theatre and conference center (Hughes, 1999). These image-building activities show that governments have managed urban space based on capitalist principles like market values and profit-logic, and marketed cities as consumption sites to capital investors. They use culture to enhance the city's market value, which injects capitalist value into the culture and the city itself and leads to the commodification of culture and city. Thus, under image-building strategies, city, culture, and urban places have become a product of consumption.

However, these capitalism-based policies not only can attract capital but also can dislocate people from local cultures. To establish a city image, governments may dismantle local traces and replace them with homogenized traces, which may ultimately destroy the city's cultural diversity and make people feel ‘out of place’.

3. Empirical Analysis: Central Reclamation Phase III and the Central Star Ferry Pier 

This section would discuss how Hong Kong government establishes city image and how citizens respond to these capitalism-based urban planning strategies by studying the case of Central Reclamation Phase III and the Star Ferry Pier movement. 

From historical perspective, Central was a venue for Westerners and wealthy people in the 1890s. The ferry pier was used by the British government in 1898 and became Star Ferry Pier several years later (Cheng, 2010). Our study site, the Edinburgh Place Ferry which is the third generation of the pier, became a part of the public space planning project in the 1950s (Hong Kong Institute of Architects,2006). 

The Central Reclamation has 3 phases in total. The purpose of phase III is to break new ground for building crucial transportation infrastructures. In order to reinforce the captivation of Victoria Harbour, phase III is also planned to construct a world-class waterfront promenade to provide extra land for greening and rest (Development Bureau, 2014). After the reclamation, there are such new famous landmarks as the Hong Kong Maritime Museum and the Hong Kong Observation Wheel. Through building these westernized traces, the government tries to enhance the city image as a top business and tourist destination. The dismantling of the Pier involved in the project was a controversial topic, as the pier has significant historical value and the traces involved are meaningful for local citizens. 

Historically, the Pier marks the period when Hong Kong was under British colonial rule. It was built in 1957 by the colonial government. Its design is of British architecture style. The clock tower at the pier was designed by the same manufacturer as Big Ben in London (Auyeung, 2007). Many citizens consider it a representation of the colonial history of HK. Nevertheless, some argue that buildings with colonial style should not be preserved, since colonization history is not worth remembering. However, the value that the Pier possesses is not only the nostalgia for the colonial government but also the people’s lives and the social context during the colonial period (Cheung, 2016). It is a place where citizens root themselves and give themselves a definition. The affective and experiential traces have associated citizens with city, which then reinforced citizens' sense of belonging and sense of identity to local community.

Furthermore, numerous important large-scale social movements took place in the Pier from the 1950-70s. For instance, the 1966 riots and the Chinese movement in 1960-70s. The Pier served as a venue of protesting, showing that the Pier is not only a place of transportation but also a place for people to unify and fight for their rights. Although these movements have passed, the presence of the Pier can still recall the memories of people and remind people to bravely express their opinions to the government (Cheung, 2016). The Pier is of great significance to the community. Since it is public in nature, it can form any kind of relationship with anyone. It is a collective memory of citizens, constructing their sense of belonging to the city (Cheng, 2016).

Before the Star Ferry Pier Movement, Hong Kong citizens did not pay much attention to urban renewal development. It is the first social movement against the government's urban planning in recent years. In 2006, some citizens knew that the government plans to dismantle the Star Ferry Pier; thus, they tried to communicate with the government and asked for a better plan (Tsao, 2007). However, the government replied that the pier was not a cultural relic, and accused the public that there should be a more substantial reason for keeping a place since land resources are precious (Ho, 2006). It shows that they are in a dominating position in the urban planning process, and they can decide whether those historic buildings can be kept or not based on the definition of "cultural relics". In this case, the government denied the uniqueness and the cultural value of the pier, but only considered economic benefits.

In November 2006, Star Ferry pier ceased service, and the staff started the demolition work. Thus, people turned to participate in the demonstration in person; they went to the dockside and impeded staff from the construction. The incident aroused widespread concern later, but the minister who was in charge of the reclamation plan still refused to answer the phone called by the legislators (Sing Tao Daily, 2006). Concurrently, the government approved the demolition plan; the movement was deemed as a failure in the end (Tsao, 2007).

However, the movement is not a failure; people started to realize the capitalist ideology in urban planning. Unquestionably, they may not be able to resist the reclamation plan this time, but this movement is a milestone. It signifies that Hong-Kongers no longer focus on economic value only, but emphasize local culture and collective memory. Thus, while the government still plans our city by economic benefits only, residents begin to think about the relationship between space, history, architecture, and themselves, and eventually promoted the "Queen's Pier incident" and many other movements later.

4. Conclusion  

Overall, this project points out that Hong Kong’s urban space has deteriorated in the cultural term as government policies are commercialized. The history of the Star Ferry Pier shows both advantages and disadvantages of the government’s urban planning. There is a proliferation of earnings under commercialization and globalization. However, gone are the days when Hong Kong has a notable cultural geographical symbol. All the events that happened in the landmark would disappear as time goes by. Undoubtedly, there is a dilemma in balancing historical value and economic value perfectly. Nevertheless, stakeholders need to review the effects of urban planning and think about how a city should be. The development of the city needs to be based on the thought of residents in the territory finally.

References

Auyeung, S. C. (2007). Reflection on the Development of Hong Kong's Heritage Conservation through the Star Ferry Pier Incident (Unpublished master's thesis). The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong.

Cheng, P. H. (2010). 開埠至今之港島天星碼頭。街道倒後鏡。Retrieved from http://www.thevoice.org.hk/thevoiceOnline/article.asp?Position=7&ToPage=1&Class=11

Cheung, P. S. (2016). The Paradoxical Relationship among Hong Kong Local Discourse, Cultural Decolonization and Postcolonial Trauma: The Case of Queen's Pier Preservation Movement. A Journal of Cultural Studies, 23, 141-164.

Cheng, W. P. (2016). Spatial Politics of the Star Ferry Pier and Queen's Pier. Retrieved from https://angelland3.wordpress.com/2016/10/29/無法解殖的後殖民﹕天星及皇后碼頭運動的空間政治/

Development Bureau (2014). Fact Sheet: History of Central Reclamation Phase III. Retrieved from https://www.devb.gov.hk/reclamation/tc/basic/fact_sheet/fs1/index.html

Ho, P. (2006, July 27). Deconstruct "collective memories". Retrieved from https://www.hab.gov.hk/file_manager/tc/documents/whats_new/from_the_desk_of_secretary_for_home_affairs/shaarticles156_20060727_c.pdf

Hong Kong Institute of Architects (2006). 致立法會規劃地政及工程事務委員會──中環天星碼頭保育意見書。Retrieved from https://www.legco.gov.hk/yr05-06/chinese/panels/plw/papers/plw0920cb1-2236-4c.pdf

Hughes, G. (1999). Urban revitalization: The use of festive time strategies. Leisure studies, 18(2), 119-135.

RailTravel Station. (2019, November 20). Star Ferry (The Star Ferry Company): Central to Tsim Sha Tsui by Star Ferry Lower Deck. Retrieved November 10, 2020, from https://railtravelstation.com/star-ferry-the-star-ferry-company-central-to-tsim-sha-tsui-by-star-ferry-lower-deck/

Sing Tao Daily. (2006, December 13). Demonstrators block the clock tower and confront the police. Retrieved from https://web.archive.org/web/20070509113948/http://hk.news.yahoo.com/061212/60/1y4yg.html

Tsao, M. (2007). Recalling the demolition movement to defend the Star Ferry Terminal- a spontaneous movement. Cultural Studies@Lingnan, 4. doi: https://www.ln.edu.hk/mcsln/archive/4th_issue/criticism_04.html

Vilalta, C. J. (2008). Empirical Modeling in Urban Studies. Carlos J. Vilalta.

1. Introduction

Located in Wan Chai (Figure 1), Lee Tung Street (LTS) was once famed for its clustering of printing shops. Throughout the years, the street has undergone drastic alterations, from a printing street to a wedding card street, from a bypath to a side street. After the redevelopment, it has become a pedestrian zone filled with luxurious, high-end shops and has been donned a new name Lee Tung Avenue (LTA) (Ko, 2010).

Figure 1: Location of LTS

(Source: Google Map)

How do the interactions between different powers such as the government, property developers and and the residents have shaped Lee Tung Avenue and modified its cultural traces? What does it reflect about the relationship between cultural heritage and redevelopment? These are the questions this project aims to address from a cultural geographical approach, with the aid of Henri Lefebvre’s theory of Spatial Triad.

2. Cultural geographical perspective in use

Henri Lefebvre’s Spatial Triad includes three spatial dimensions (Table 1). Conceived space suggests the space that is planned, directed and organized by the power, for example, an urban planning map. Perceived space describes what people do in the space planned by those in power, such as selling wedding cards. Lived space indicates some symbols or values imbued by what people do, for instance, social ties. By using this framework (Figure 2), how different cultural traces of LTS have been produced through the interplay between the place, dominating power generated from conceived space, and resistance produced in perceived space and lived space will be analyzed in this summary 

Figure 2. Henri Lefebvre’s Spatial Triad

(Source: Lefebvre, 1991)

Table 1. Framework of using Spatial Triad in LTS

(Source: Inspired by URA, 2003; Watkins, 2005; H.W. Wong & P. Wong, 2007; URA, 2007; Huang, 2009; Ko, 2010; Ng, et al., 2010; Gieseking, et al., 2014; Wong, 2016; Tsang & Zhang, 2019)

 

3. Empirical analysis

A. Dominating power

In the case of LTS, the dominating power is represented by the Urban Renewal Authority (URA) and property developers, i.e. Sino Land Company Limited and Hopewell Holdings Limited. The URA is a statutory body in Hong Kong responsible for urban redevelopment projects. Though it is not a government department, the URA is granted much power and resources by the government and it works closely with the government. These stakeholders used various means to encourage a materialistic and capitalist culture.

First, the URA announced a development concept competition for LTS redevelopment project, in which entries were mainly encouraged to incorporate ideas of pedestrianizing, commercializing LTS and conserving pre-war historical buildings. From this, we can already see how the focus of the project was to make LTS into a center for economic and tourism activities, which is the new conceived space planned by the government.

Second, the URA chose property developers based on their experience and financial strength, showing how it pandered towards the financial interests of profit-oriented companies. Sino Land Company Limited and Hopewell Holdings Limited, which are key players in the real estate market, eventually won. The URA also stressed the importance of creating job opportunities for the construction sector and improving patronage flow. This further encourages the already capitalist mindset in Hong Kong and elevates the status of property developers through governmental recognition. The dominating powers further consolidate their transformative power.

Third, Lee Tung Avenue (the new conceived space), which is the result of the redevelopment project on the site of the original LTS, is a high-end shopping street that barely preserves any pre-existing cultural traces. URA promised to keep the wedding theme in Lee Tung Avenue after redevelopment, but the street is now dominated by international brand chain stores with only two wedding cards shops remained, showing that the dominating power had no genuine wish to preserve the traditional cultural values of LTS.

Overall, it can be seen that an overt focus on the economic benefits by the government and property developers drowns out any room for discourse from a cultural perspective.

B. Resisting power (strategies and concepts)

Being the resisting power, the residents, on an individual basis, does not have enough power to fight against the dominating powers. With the help from other parties, they can turn their incentives into actions, creating the ‘power of the powerless’ in the progress. The general strategies mobilized by resisting parties would be presented below (Figure. 3). And the whole protest movement can be divided into four stages (Fig. 4).

Figure 3. Strategies used by General Resisting Power Parties

(Source: McAdam, 1982)

*Cognitive liberation: gradual understanding of political and economic intentions of the powered

At stage 1, they had not yet fully understood the intentions of the powered. While the conceived reconstruction plan ruptured the original stable social network of LTS.

At stage 2, the residents achieved cognitive liberation. They found out the intentions and the inappropriate mobilization of power of the government. In the aspect of perceived space, the daily activities and the close social network had created a sense of belonging among the residents to LTS. They perceive LTS as their home, and it constitutes a large part of their identity. The unfairness fostered a sense of discontent among the LTS residents, turning objective fairness into subjective discontent. They started to make use of social resources and seek help from professionals to organize more resisting activities.

At stage 3, the altered reconstruction plan from the government was not accepted. The H15 Concern Group, formed by residents and shop owners affected by the redevelopment project, organized larger-scale activities, hoping the public would sympathize with their condition. Although the public became more aware of the situation in LTS, creating a force of public opinion that halts the redevelopment project, the LTS protest was not successful in the final stage.

There is an imbalance between the two power. The government could enforce laws that require the landlords to give up their property rights. At the same time, the reconstruction plan was supported by many big developers, who had strong financial base to oppose the resistance. Residents failed to bargain with the governments and developers despite obtaining the public’s support. In the end the resisting power had no actual power at all.

Figure 4. Four Stages of Conflicts between Dominating and Resisting Power

(Source: Xia, 2014)

C. Trends of development

From the case of LTS, the dominating powers enforced changes in the conceived space which provoked changes in the perceived space and lived space. It could be observed that during redevelopment, the old cultural traces of LTS were challenged and replaced by new merging cultures.

This introduces us to a new concept, placelessness. Since place are created when we embody “space” with cultural meanings. Placelessness refer to places that lack cultural diversity and do not reflect distinct local characteristics (Shim & Santos, 2011).

The creation of new cultural landscapes is usually profit-driven. The government may try to maximize the profit return in an urban renewal project. Commercial elements are preferred over cultural elements. The attractions in the city are targeted at the visitors instead of the locals. Which is perfectly reflected in the LTS project. Gentrification that results from redevelopment facilitates the creation of placelessness (Shim & Santos, 2011). Since the aggregation of higher-end shops will out-compete the local businesses which contribute to the unique local landscapes and identity.

Under this trend of urban development, the city’s landscape would appear to be “fabricated”, since the traces of a place would be modified directly by those in power instead of being generated from interactions within the residing community. The newly added elements in the redeveloped area are usually inspired by the characteristics of other places and are visitor-oriented (Shim & Santos, 2011). For instance, The Venetian Macao, a luxury resort located in Macao (Ip), resemblances Venice greatly and even has replicas of several Venetian landmarks. The “unique features” of a place becomes superficial and are not distinct anymore, deviating from their historical roots. For instance, Asian metropolis such as Hong Kong, Seoul and Tokyo may differ little from cities such as Las Vegas and New York. This results in the loss of social and cultural context of a place.

4. Conclusion

In this paper, we deploy Henri Lefebvre’s theory of spatial triad to analyze the changes of the cultural traces before and after the redevelopment of LTS, offering a systematic analysis of how exactly it was altered. Unevenly distributed transformative powers led to the emergence of resistance during the redevelopment period. Albeit adopting different strategies, the resisting powers posed no hindrance when faced with the dominating powers. The resisting power only contributed to the production of some short and temporary cultural traces from the conflicts between the dominating and resisting powers, for instance the banners and the signs being hung across LTS. While the dominating power re-constructed LTS based on their blueprint which focused on morphing LTS into a high-class shopping district, completely changing its cultural landscape. 

Using the complete demolition of LTS as a case study, we tried to uncover the trend in redevelopment of decayed urban districts. Renovation of the decaying district is much needed, but it is observed redevelopment plans suggested commonly omit the importance of cultural preservation. Conceived space seems to play a more significant role than perceived space and lived space when drafting up a developmental plan. A balance between cultural heritage and redevelopment has yet to be found. But we believe communication bridges conflicting views. With more discussion, an intermediate solution that merges cultural preservation and economic development would be found.

Footnote

Source of the cover picture: photo by 捲捲和土豆拿鐵部落格, 2017.

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Urban Planning Renewal (URA). (2003, October 17). URA announced a 3.58-billion redevelopment project in Wan Chai [Press release]. Retrieved from https://www.ura.org.hk/tc/media/press-release/20031017

Urban Planning Renewal (URA). (2007, December 24). Wan Chai Lee Tung Street Redevelopment Project [Press release]. Retrieved from https://www.ura.org.hk/tc/media/press-release/20071224

Xu, J. (2020, September 15). Culture, space, place and power [Lecture notes].

李維怡（2007）。《黃幡翻飛處—看我們的利東街》。香港：影行者有限公司。

夏循祥（2017)。《權力的生成：香港市區重建的民族志》。北京：社會科學文獻出版社。

呂烈丹 (2007年2月7日)。〈不再在精英的口袋裡—利東街運動對文物保育概念的啟示〉。《明報》。

捲捲和土豆拿鐵部落格，痞客邦。（2017年7月11日）〈香港利東街 喜帖街。灣仔小歐洲步行購物街。香港最新景點〉。取自https://nigi33kimo.pixnet.net/blog/post/117461208

1. Introduction

Tai O is a village located at the south west of Lantau Island. It has been inhabited since the Han dynasty. The early settlers originated from the coastal area of Southeast China. Nowadays, it is a famous tourist spot which provides the view of a historical fishing village. In this project, the formation of different traces of Tanka culture in Tai O and the impact of modern values on the traces were studied. We will answer two research questions, i.e. “How were different traces formed by the intersection of the geographical context of Tai O and Tanka culture?” And “how do modern values impact the traditional traces? “

Table 1 Research questions and research objectives

2. Cultural Geographical Perspective in Use

According to Anderson, nothing would take place in a vacuum (2010). The geographical context is not only the political or national boundaries, but wherever there are human activities (Anderson, 2010). Culture is all things human beings do, including politics, economy, and different schools of thought and values, which influence the formation of places (Crang, 1998). Traces are residues, marks and remnants produced by the intersection of geographical context and culture (Anderson, 2010). In this project, stilt houses, temples and marriage customs were studied as traces. Tanka culture and modern values were studied as culture. The framework of this study is shown in Figure 1.

For methodology, secondary data, field study and in-depth interviews are utilized. A local Tanka resident and two temple assistants were interviewed during the field study on 8 Nov 2020.

Figure 1 The conceptual framework of this study based on cultural geographical concepts

suggested by Anderson (2011)

 

3. Empirical Analysis:

3.1 The formation of traces of Tanka Culture in Tai O Fishing Village

Trace 1: Stilt house

Stilt houses are a unique scenery among Tanka residencies. The oldest stilt houses are built with simplistic and minimalistic materials, such as leaves of the Chinese fan palm and wooden boards. In the 1960s, Tankas started refurbishing these houses with more secure materials like metal sheets and concrete. This is because Tanka fishermen are originally categorized as a floating population instead of indigenous residents. They do not have the rights to abode, and the stilt houses are built illegally. They may not treat Tai O as a permanent place to reside and the belongingness is low. The change subsequently is due to the British Government bestowed favour on Tanka residents, making stilt houses legal. They have more belonging and confidence to reside in Tai O so they used more secure materials to consolidate the structure.

Figure 2. Stilt houses in Tai O are built with simplistic materials

(Source: Hong Kong Memory)

Moreover, until now, the interior and exterior of stilt houses don’t look posh as Tanka residents are typically frugal and would rather spend money to refurbish their boats.

Figure 3. The interior of a traditional Tai O stilt house with minimal interior

(Source: Field trip)

Another characteristic of stilt houses is their proximity, which originated from the proximity of boat squatters. This characteristic develops from Tankas’ nature of jobs, which are fishermen. Their job nature requires them to closely communicate for example, the location of catch and assist each other in times of natural disasters. The doors of stilt houses are always open so that neighbours can easily communicate.

Figure 4. Doors of a stilt house being widely opened

(Source: Field trip)

 

Trace 2: Temple

Temples are significant traces in Tai O which can be separated into two types according to their appearance and size. Two Hoi Sang Temples located in Tai O and Yi O are built individually. They are relatively crude and small. Those well-structured and frequently renovated temples, which are usually related to the benefits of the whole village, are under the regulation of the Government or Village Temple Committee. We focus on discussing the geographic location of these large-scale temple traces with the cultural perspective behind it. For instance, since the prosperity of the tracing business and the safety of navigation are particularly important for the fishing village, Kwan Tai Temple and Tin Hau Temple are located near the main entrance of the village.

Figure 5 Map indicating each Temples in Tai O

(Source: Field trip)

Figure 6. Kwan Tai Temple (left) and Tin Hau Temple (right) in Tai O

(Source: Field trip)

Also, before 2004, when Tai O Public Primary School was converted into Hong Kong Shaolin Wushu Cultural Centre, Hung Shing Temple was already located beside the school to bless students on gaining enthusiasm and achievement in the field of geography and meteorology like what Hung Shing did.

Figure 7 Hung Shing Temple with HK Shaolin Wushu Cultural Centre beside.

(Source: Field trip)

 

Trace 3: Customs of marriage

Figure 8 A graphical illustration on the route of the wedding and venue of various events on the wedding day.

(Source: Field trip)

Weddings are important celebrations for Tanka people. Being a traditional race, Tanka females have faced severe sexual inequality, which can be seen from weddings. The bridegroom was assigned a name to signify his maturity on the wedding day, while not for the bride. Moreover, if we take an overview from the whole wedding day, most events are held on boats from the bridegroom’s side. It implies that men have a greater power.

 

Figure 9. A man on the boat was trying to sing on boat on the wedding day

(Source: field trip）

Singing is also an important element in Tanka culture. Before the wedding day, the bride will sing in hopes of expressing her thankfulness towards her parents and her siblings who have made her who she is. She would also praise a better future.

On the wedding day, both sides of relatives will sing to each other on their boats. The singing hopes to build up the atmosphere, and also make both sides know more about the thoughts of each other. We can see that tanka people are artistic in expressing their thoughts, they know how to improvise lyrics and make up a melody, they also have the skill to question and answer through singing.

3.2. Modern values impact traces of Tanka Culture

Capitalism

Capitalism is a business-driven ideology focusing on goods that bring huge profits. Lefebvre (1979) states that urban space has become merchandise and is altered by the capitalist as how they imagine a capitalist society. Due to the economic transformation of Hong Kong in the 1960s-70s, the demand for labour in the secondary and tertiary industry has increased, Tankas may be lured to work in urban areas with a better salary. The better wages and job nature becomes an enormous inducement for Tankas to blend into the mainstream culture rather than fisheries.

Tourism culture

Tanka people have many unique cultures like "crying sigh". However, only customs with commercial value are valued under capitalism. For instance, the Tai O Dragon Boat Festival, one of the traditional events of Tai O Tanka culture, was listed as a national intangible cultural heritage in 2011. Traditions that have no significant economic value like stilt houses and traditional Tanka marriage have diminished. The government tend to re-package Tai O as a travel site.

Figure 10. Beverage shop and clamping doll machine in Tai O

(Source: field trip)

According to Lee, a local Tanka resident in Tai O, the number of traditional shops like shops selling shrimp paste has dropped sharply from dozens to two (personal communication, November 7, 2020). But, in the wave of invasion of tourism culture, bubble tea, clamping doll machines have blended into Tai O to cater to the tourists’ needs.

Furthermore, the significant scenery of Tai O -- stilt houses have also been progressively commercialized. Some stilt houses have been renovated for business purposes such as selling salted fish, exquisite goods or transforming into coffee shops. One example is a café and boutique called “Solo” which opened in 2009. It has gained high popularity among visitors. It is undeniable that the renovation of stilt houses can stimulate the growth of tourism of Tai O, however, it is questionable whether the meaning and value of the Tanka culture can still be reflected by the renovated stilt houses.

Sustainability and environmental awareness

As mentioned, fishing and selling shrimp paste are the livelihoods of Tankas. However, according to Lee, in 2011, the government took back the fishermen's trawl license due to the environmental organizations' protest against trawling, which destroys the ecology of the sea. (personal communication, November 7, 2020) Due to the low socioeconomic status of Tanka people, the mainstream culture had often exercised dominant power over them since ancient China. And now, the traditional livelihoods of Tankas are diminishing.

Freedom and Sexual equality changing traditional marriage culture

After the reform and opening up, Tanka people have more freedom to choose their partners themselves. They are no longer stuck within their social circle but can engage with non-Tanka people. In the past, if Tankas wanted to get married, they had to seek help from a fortune teller. But nowadays, Tanka people have a greater decisive power to choose their partners.

Apart from freedom, sexual equality is another modern value which affects the Tanka culture. In the past, the bride had to live with her husband for four months without leaving. Nowadays, the bride is not restricted after three days after the marriage. Women gained more respect and rights from Tanka society.

5. Conclusion

All in all, the history, culture, geographic context and values of various traces of Tankas in Tai O are widely covered in this project. All the traces are valuable and unique. Cultural geographical perspective provides a comprehensive way in understanding the origin of heritage in Tai O. It also helps us to have further understanding on the interaction between traces and modern values. Hoping that all these heritages can be well-preserved in our commercialized society as a remark of history of Hong Kong.

Reference

Anderson, J.(2010). Understanding Cultural Geography. USA: Routledge

Crang, M. (1998). Cultural Geography. London: Routledge.

Lefebvre, Henri (1979) "Space: Social Product and Use Value", in Freiberg, J. W. (ed.), Critical  Sociology: European Perspective (pp. 285-295). New York: Irvington.

Lee. (2020, November 7). Personal interview. [Personal interview]

Temple Street has perennially been known for its myriad of cultural traces, ranging from the plethora of ancient Chinese temples, to the night-time underworld crime during the colonial times – a theme which has been portrayed in many local dramas representing low to middle-class life stories back then. From our onsite investigation, we observed that time seems to play an important role in separating the functionality of the street, and how the reputation of the street is imbued with a socially undesirable/taboo element with the transformation from day to night. While daytime belongs to worship activities and represents the integration of multiple ethnicities seen through diverse food culture among restaurants, night-time witnesses a change in the street’s function into a bustling night market as well as a red-light district and hotbed of triad crimes. The diverse traces of religion, history, ethnicity, capitalism and food culture etc., encompassing both material and non-material, have invited us to question how all these traces contribute to the cultural place-making of Temple Street, as well as to investigate the role of time (separating day and night) in creating boundaries in terms of the functionality and cultural meaning of the place.

 

2. Cultural Geographical Perspective in Use

The three elements of place (Figure 1), as stated by political geographer John Agnew, includes “place as location, place as locale, and the sense of place.” (Lee et al., 2014) Location is defined as a position in the space, which can be described by longitude and latitude. Locale refers to the settings and environment of daily life actions, practices and social relations. It involves the concept where all cultural traces in the place came together as a whole. Sense of place is a subjective tie that links humans to a culture and environment. It gives humans identity while providing individual and collective meaning to a place. As place are saturated with cultural meanings, its traces are not fixed but dynamic entities as culture alters with social trend.

Figure 1: Three elements of place

(source: https://bit.ly/2Vstqu0)

 

Under the influx of foreign culture (Figure 2), transgression (breaching of a foreign culture into a certain region)may result when cultural orthodoxy is threatened. Notwithstanding, in inclusive regions such as Temple street, foreign cultures are acquiesced when local culture does not possess dominating power, thereby obviating cultural hegemony (domination of a specific culture in a culturally diverse society by ruling out other cultures with stronger economic or political power and influence). Given the robust foundation of local culture (Figure 3), foreign culture does not carry an eliminative potential, allowing an atmosphere of cultural inclusion to be achieved.

Figure 2: Nepal Restaurant

(Source: taken during Site Visit)

 

Figure 3: Herbal Tea Shop

(Source: taken during Site Visit)

 

3. Empirical Analysis

Figure 4: Guanyin Temple

(Source: taken during Site Visit)

 

In our project, we analysed Temple Street’s history when exploring how the street emerged as a place with such a special culture. In the 1870s, Temple Street got its name due to the recently built Tin Hau Temple (Figure 4) in the area. While Temple Street at that time merely served as a religious centre and was completely different from today’s Temple Street, it got its location at that time, which is the first fundamental aspect of place. Then, residents nearby started to use the space at Temple Street as a recreational area of play and rest during the 1920s. Businessmen utilized this opportunity to set up grocery stores in the street. These activities made up the locale of the street and became the prototype of today’s Temple Street. With the street becoming more famous and prosperous in the middle and late 20th century, residents became aware and proud of Temple Street’s culture. This gives the street’s sense of place and completes Temple Street’s three elements of place. 

Day

The role of religion in Chinese culture is two-fold, namely the worshiping of ancestors and socialization (instructions on how to behave in the social setting). This is seen in how Tin Hau Temple shaped the habit of Yau Ma Tei (where Temple Street is located) fishermen who sought a sense of security through worshiping Tin Hau. With time, temples in Yau Ma Tei have transformed into tourist spots as they no longer reflect most residents’ lifestyles, thereby exhibiting a diminished cultural trace.

Figure 5: Mandala Arts Trading Company

(Source: taken during Site Visit)

 

Temple Street, as an inclusive space, carries traces from different Chinese provinces, demonstrating cultural hybridity. We observed a wide range of Chinese food culture on Temple Street, ranging from “daipaidongs” (street-side restaurants without air-conditioning) to Sichuan-Chongqing hotpots. In particular, this cross-culture hotpot is greatly valued in the Chinese society because it serves as the food choice for reunion. These traces from Chinese Provinces appear in Temple Street because their eating culture (such as Spicy Hot Pot) has become popular in Hong Kong, and are therefore with great demand. Glocalization (the practice of introducing foreign culture to a place while adjusting foreign cultural elements in order to adapt to local culture and beliefs) is also exhibited on Temple Street as shops which previously predominantly offered traditional Southeast Asian products started selling local snacks to lure local customers. It fully evinces the fusion of foreign culture with local culture, exhibiting culture hybridity on Temple Street. Under the envisaged globalization, the presence of non-materialistic traces like other religions such as Buddhism (Figure 5) and Hinduism have also rooted a sense of identity in both Chinese and Southeast Asians.

Night

After sunset, the functionality of Temple Street changes significantly. The street is most well-known for its flea market at night (Figure 6). Since the night market mainly provides products such as men’s clothing, electronic devices and second-hand antiques, which are predominantly for male customers, the street is also called “Men’s Street”. Moreover, as the stalls sell low-priced merchandise and allow consumers to bargain, the market is also hailed as the “Nightclub of Civilians” in Hong Kong. From the aforementioned, one can observe that nightlife on Temple Street tilts towards satisfying capitalistic and materialistic needs, where entertainment and economic benefits are put on a pedestal.

Figure 6: Temple street night market

(Source: https://bit.ly/2JkntwN)

 

Figure 7: Fortune-Telling counter in temple street

(Source: https://bit.ly/3oksHXR)

 

Additionally, fortune-telling (Figure 7) and divinatory booths are also a significant component of Temple Street at night. In the early years, these booths were only set up by Fengshui and face-reading masters. Nowadays, we can discover a lot of western divinatory methods in the stalls, such as tarot, runes and astrology. Chinese and Western religions, when juxtaposed together, create a particularly mesmerizing scenery. This reflects the inclusiveness and openness in our society given the local residents’ acquiesce in foreign culture. As western culture blends into that of Chinese, the discrepancy between them are bridged, thereby inducing cultural fusion, which possess characteristics that lure both Chinese and Western people.

Moreover, food stalls, dubbed as daipaidongs (Figure 8), provide various local dishes that represent Hong Kong’s street food culture. The lyrics in the songs of buskers contain different characteristics of the street and some heartfelt wishes of locals, showing the close-knit bonding between the civilians and their neighbourhood, thus enhancing the sense of belonging for local residents.

 

Figure 8: Daipaidong in Temple Street

(Source: https://bit.ly/2Vpiu07)

 

Ideological conflict in the function of Temple Street between day and night

According to Paul Carter, the author of The Road to Botany Bay: An Essay in Spatial History, place-naming is a powerful process in which “space is transformed symbolically into a place, a space with a history.” (Carter, 1998) The eponymous name “Temple Street” is derived from the plenitude of Chinese temples along the street, evoking an air of spiritual cleanliness and holiness, as well as the reverence from its historical weight. However, Temple Street is also known for its transformation into a red-light district at night, given the selling of adult sex toys (Figure 9) and loitering of prostitutes on the street (Figure 10). The irony lies in the fact these morally “impure” and socially undesirable activities simultaneously coexist on the same street which attracts worshippers to pay their respects to the gods (Figure 11).

 

Figure 9: Shop selling sex toy

(Source: https://bit.ly/3qkortg)

 

Figure 10: prostitutes loitering

(Source: https://bit.ly/2Jkq7CJ)

 

Figure 11: Temple with offerings to Gods

(Source: Taken during Site Visit)

Ideologically, there could not be a greater contradiction to Carter’s belief in the power of naming, as it seems that the process of place-naming has transformed a space into representing something symbolically opposite. It would be reasonable for one to think that at least some devout worshippers would be outraged at having these inappropriate and morally shameful activities taking place at such close proximity to a religious site. Yet, there seems to be a general lack of protest in reality.

One interpretation could be the inclusiveness in Temple Street owing to the general acquiesce in various cultural activities. Temple Street’s historical and religious background plays a cameo role in creating a sense of identity and emotional attachment in the street-users, instead most street users (businessmen, street singers, immigrants) treat it as a cultural hub. Another interpretation may be telling of Hong Kong people’s pragmatism, which prioritizes practicality over cultural significance regarding the use of space. Moreover, time itself seems to act as a boundary between these two antithetical cultural traces on Temple Street, with daytime belonging to a place of worship and normal functions of shopping and dining, and nighttime belonging to the underworld of street gangsters and prostitution.

Sense of Place – one of the elements of ‘place’

Overall, regarding the sense of place, Temple Street gives a strong sense of belonging to Chinese communities, especially of the lower- and middle-class. The numerous portrayals of the street in old local films may create evoke nostalgia in the older generations, as they reminisce life in the colonial era. It also has an increasingly multi-cultural and diverse spirit, allowing even Southeast Asian communities to call it “home” with its flourishing businesses. The rich religious history and beautiful ancient Chinese temples also instil in locals a sense of pride in their Chinese roots. This pride may also extend to Hong Kong’s international reputation with Temple Street’s increasing popularity among tourists. Lastly, the red-light district and shady activities at night may create a sense of fear among local women, as well as a sense of shame among men who are seen on the street at night.

 

4. Conclusion

Over the years, Temple Street has transformed from a merely local cultural space to an international tourist spot. Our topic compares the differences between the daytime and night-time function of this street. While some view Temple Street as a religious and holy space, stalls selling sex toys might may give the street a tarnished reputation. On the other hand, the street has become more culturally diverse from the influx of Southeast Asian immigrants who have established their businesses here. Though this gives the street a unique cultural identity, some Chinese culture traces might unavoidably be diluted and it was intriguing to explore the kinds of traditions that are fading in particular. Lastly, we sincerely hope that Temple Street’s rich historical, religious, and cultural traces, would be preserved by the government, so as to allow future generations to appreciate the physical manifestation of cultural diversity.

 

References

Withers, C. W. J. (2009). Place and the "spatial turn" in geography and in history. Journal of the History of Ideas, 70(4), 637-658. Retrieved from http://easyaccess.lib.cuhk.edu.hk.easyaccess2.lib.cuhk.edu.hk/login?url=https://www-proquest-com.easyaccess2.lib.cuhk.edu.hk/docview/1272094687?accountid=10371

Carter, P. (1988). The road to Botany Bay: An essay in spatial history. London: Faber and Faber.

Lee, R., Castree, N., Kitchin, R., Lawson, V., Paasi, A., Philo, C., ... & Withers, C. (Eds.). (2014). The SAGE Handbook of Human Geography, 2v. Sage.

Cover photo retrieved from: https://hk.trip.com/travel-guide/hong-kong/temple-street-10524210/ clave

1. Introduction

Our project aims to answer a focus question - “how the Lingnan cultural and geographical backgrounds help constitute the identity of Guangdong’s artists.” Guangdong artists had been creating many masterpieces which contribute as significant cultural traces. Yet, a lot of people have a limited understanding towards Lingnan and Guangdong’s artists. Hence, this project aims not only to learn about Lingnan, but also to promote Guangdong’s artists. Geographically, Lingnan is a highly vegetated coastal area that is far away from the central political centre. With such geographical features, these allow Lingnan to receive diversified culture besides from the central China, including Latin America, Southeast Asia, Europe etc. In this essay, it is eventually found out that interactions between these cultural and geographical backgrounds then have made up the unique identity of Guangdong’s artists.

2. Cultural Geographical Perspective in Use

In this essay, we adopted the methodology of new cultural geography. It is believed that mere cultural and geographical perspective alone is not enough to investigate the question, but social and historical context are needed as well to decode it. We theorized and analysed cultural artifacts and representations with high sensitivity to the workings of difference and power. In brief, our approach is to first identify the cultural and geographical information coupled with social and historical basis for each identity of Guangdong’s artists, then we use distinct cultural traces like drawings as reference and demonstration.

3. Empirical analysis:

Spiritual Factor

From Song Dynasty to Ming Dynasty, there were two significant ideologies that contribute to the value of the literati.

First, the Confucianism presented the idea of humanistic pragmatism. It was crucial for scholars to not only learn, but to act out their learnings and contribute to the society. Scholars should focus on the interest of the people rather than themselves. The Confucianism had demonstrated the benevolence of human with the influence of banished officials. Officials were often sent to Lingnan as political punishment. Yet, with their rich knowledge and opinion, their arrival had benefited the popular mass in Lingnan. As a less developed region, their knowledge and outlook had stimulated the growth in the area. As these officials passed on their knowledge in Lingnan, this could be seen as the start of Lingnan Literati.

Two noticeable literati were Su Shi and Han Yu. They both demonstrated an optimistic attitude in adverse circumstances and had actively helped the Lingnan society solving different crisis. Eventually, the two became the role models for Lingnan people. The public followed their attitudes and accepted their worldview. For instance, Su was banished from the imperial court due to internal conflicts. In Huizhou, he educated the society with his plantation knowledge and suggested the local authority to construct a bridge to connect the states and counties. Han Yu was banished as he indicated that Buddhism was unbeneficial to the nation. He was sent to Chaozhou where he carefully solved the flood and protected the people living by the river with crocodile worship.

Second, the Taoism presented a different philosophy around Mount LuoFu, a famous spot in Guangdong. According to the legends, Mount Luo and Fu collided to form Mount LuoFu; whereas the discovery made by geographers explain that it was caused by faulting of the crust - which squeeze the granite and causing this special geographical feature after million years of erosion. In the private viewing session, we were honoured to have a close look at a few pieces of Houlai Wang -  a painter and poet who immersed himself into the nature and brought his observations in the nature into his paintings. In one of his work Luo Fu Sheng Jing, he painted Guanyuandong in Mount LuoFu. According to history, one of the Daoist masters visited Guanyuandong created the Lingbao School – a school that promote the idea of religious practices and rituals of Daoist. Ever since, Mount LuoFu became a scared place for Taoists and have attracted millions of believers traveling miles to worship the space.

Political factors: (Ming-Qing Transition)

In cultural geography study, any conflicts between dominant and emerging resistant power in a place could exert influence on the traces. During the Ming-Qing transition, the power switched from Ming to Qing authority provoked intense resisting force among Guangdong literati, altering the paintings (traces) in Guangdong.

In the late Ming dynasty, the country was facing severe socio-political instabilities owing to the eunuchs’ control of the royal court. Since 1627, rebellions led by peasants had erupted throughout the nation. In 1644, Beijing fell to the peasant rebels, marking the end of the Ming dynasty.  At that time, many people fled to Guangdong to escape from battles in the Central Plain, including Ming loyalists and royals.（李權時，1993） Later on, Zhu Youlan, the Prince of Gui, was enthroned in Zhaoqing, and established his Yongli regime of Southern Ming dynasty in Guangdong. （袁鐘仁，1998） In 1650, Guangdong was under attack by Qing forces for almost one year, resulting in up to 700,000 death in Guangdong.（汪宗衍，1976）

The series of political events had aroused Guangdong people’s patriotic sentiment and revolutionary spirit, prompting them to engage in anti-Qing movements. Many Guangdong literati were also activists of anti-Qing movements and some had even sacrificed their lives for these movements. （李權時，1993） In addition, after the dynasty transition, many Guangdong literati were reluctant to serve the Qing government and chose to live in seclusion in remote mountains or even become a monk. （朱萬章，2010） This created a culture of retreating to the mountains among Guangdong literati.

The dynasty transition had led to changes in the theme, symbolism and style of Guangdong paintings.

First, many retreated Guangdong literati regarded landscape paintings as the best way to express their sentiment. Landscape paintings thus became the most prevalent art theme. （朱萬章，2010） For example, the famous artwork, Landscape, was drew by Cheng Jiu, one Guangdong literati who became a monk after the dynasty transition. (Figure 1)

Figure 1: Cheng Jiu, Landscape (釋成鷲《山水》)

Source: Art Museum, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, retrieved from Art Museum, The Chinese University of Hong Kong website

Second, symbolism was commonly used in Guangdong paintings. For example, Yang Changwen, a Guangdong literati, painted Orchid, Bamboo and Rock (Figure 2 and 3) to praise the uprightness of a friend who refused to work for the Qing government.（朱萬章，2010） Orchid is a symbol of ‘gentlemen’ (君子) in Chinese culture. This shows the nationalist fervour and revolutionary spirit of the painter.

Figure 2 and 3: Yang Changwen, Orchid, Bamboo and Rock (楊昌文《蘭竹石圖》)

Source: Guangdong Museum, retrieved from 朱萬章（2010）《明清廣東畫史研究》

Third, a scene of desolation was a common characteristic of the Guangdong paintings at that time. For instance, in Strolling in Autumn (Figure 4), Gao Yan, one of the Guangdong literati who lived in seclusion in mountains, depicted a bleak landscape in autumn, with a solitary scholar walking in the forest and a temple in the mountain, to convey his loneliness and suffering brought by the fall of his country (Figure 4) （香港藝術館，2020）

Figure 4: Gao Yan, Strolling in Autumn (高儼《秋原策杖圖》)

Source: Hong Kong Museum of Art, retrieved from Hong Kong Museum of Art website

Economic Factors: Booming Foreign Trades

Between the years 1757 and 1842, Guangzhou was the only official port that was opened to overseas exchange in China. The commercial culture in Lingnan created the Chinese export paintings (traces) in Guangdong.

In fact, Guangdong Province is one of the major ports for foreign trading since the Tang Dynasty. In the Reign of Qianlong (1757), the Qing government forbade all the marine trading activities in the coastal ports due to the administrative inconvenience, leaving the port in Guangzhou (Civil and Municipal Affairs Bureau of Macao S.A.R., n.d.). Therefore, until the Opium War, the transactions between China and the foreign countries concentrated in Guangdong, promoting the cultural exchange between oriental and occidental. In the cultural aspect, the traditional Chinese culture stresses agriculture and restrains commerce. However, Lingnan culture tells a different story. In this business community, the social structure was diversified and commercialized, and citizens advocated the pursuit of economic interests. Both the geographical and cultural backgrounds flourished under Lingnan's economic development, which created the Chinese export paintings (traces), a completely different style of painting from that created by the Guangdong literati.

Figure 5: Tingqua, Studio of: View on the Canton Waterfront, Gouache on Pith Paper,《從廣州河南遠眺十三行商館區及明輪蒸汽船「Spark」號》

Source: Hong Kong Maritime Museum, Retrieved from https://artsandculture.google.com/asset/view-of-the-waterfront-at-canton-with-the-paddle-steamer-spark-tingqua-studio-guan-lianchang-fl-1840-1870/UgF3qiu4cTz3XA?hl=zh-tw

Figure 6. Anonymous, Production of tea: Packing tea for export, 《茶葉生產：茶葉裝箱外銷》

Source: Hong Kong Museum of Art, retrieved from https://hk.art.museum/en_US/web/ma/collections/china-trade-art.html

Figure 7: Anonymous, A Chinese lady, 《貴婦像》

Source: Hong Kong Museum of Art, retrieved from https://hk.art.museum/en_US/web/ma/collections/china-trade-art.html

Chinese export paintings were mainly oil paintings, watercolors on pith, or gouaches on paper, board, and glass. They used Western painting techniques to epitomize contents full of chinoiserie. Those paintings depicted contemporary life in China, illustrating the sceneries, occupations, plants and insects, as well as costumes (Liang, Burigio, Bailey & Cheung, 2020). Since transportation and technology development was not as advanced, China as a mystic oriental civilization had aroused the curiosity of foreigners. As it was hard to travel to China, the export paintings served as souvenirs to satisfy their fascination and thus was spread. Export paintings are realistic and exquisite. The difference between the export and traditional paintings verified one of the three main characteristics of Lingnan scholars, which is to be flexible and emphasizes mercantilism.

4. Conclusion

In summary, our project examined how the sense of identity of Lingnan scholars towards Lingnan are cultivated in the perspective of cultural geography. We separated it into culture and geography which contain three factors respectively. By linking its location in the southern part of China with Taoism and Confucianism ideologies, they explained the common ideal of Lingnan scholars shown in paintings and how it heightened their attachment to Lingnan. Besides, combining the political background of resisting Qing Emperor, its distant location from the north and abundant fields in Lingnan accounts for their openness and anti-traditional character which strengthened their affinity towards the place. Finally, the fusion of business culture and Lingnan’s coastal geographical context contribute to traits of flexibility and emphasis on mercantilism. This reinforced their bonds to Lingnan. Last but not least, studies on characters extension from Lingnan scholars to artists are expected to conduct in the future.

Reference

Liang, H., Burgio, L., Bailey, C. F., & Cheung, C.S. (2020). Culture and Trade through the Prism of Technical Art History – a study of Chinese export paintings. Retrieved from https://gtr.ukri.org/projects?ref=AH%2FK006339%2F1#/tabOverview

Civil and Municipal Affairs Bureau of Macao S.A.R. (n.d.). Export Paintings. Retrieved from http://www.mam.gov.mo/oldmam/photolist2.asp?prg_id=2004010101&lc=3&grp=2&name=Export%20Paintings

William, I. (2014). Created in Canton: Chinese export watercolours on pith. 广州制作 : 欧美藏十九世纪中国蓪纸画 (第1版 ed.). 广州市: 岭南美术出版社.

Hong Kong Museum of Art. (n.d.). Production of tea: Packing tea for export. Retrieved from https://hk.art.museum/en_US/web/ma/collections/china-trade-art.html

Hong Kong Museum of Art. (n.d.). A Chinese lady. Retrieved from https://hk.art.museum/en_US/web/ma/collections/china-trade-art.html

Hong Kong Maritime Museum. (n.d.). 從廣州河南遠眺十三行商館區及明輪蒸汽船「Spark」號. Retrieved from https://artsandculture.google.com/asset/view-of-the-waterfront-at-canton-with-the-paddle-steamer-spark-tingqua-studio-guan-lianchang-fl-1840-1870/UgF3qiu4cTz3XA?hl=zh-tw

李權時（1993）。《嶺南文化》。廣州 : 廣東人民出版社。

袁鐘仁（1998）。《嶺南文化》。瀋陽 : 遼寧敎育出版社 。

朱萬章（2010）。《明清廣東畫史研究》。廣州市 : 嶺南美術出版社。

汪宗衍（1976年12月）。〈明清之際廣東書畫家 為何氏至樂樓藏品展覽作〉，《中國文化研究所學報》第8卷第2期。取自

1. Introduction

Queen’s Pier, built in 1925, was named after Queen Victoria. It served as a public pier, a recreation space, and acted as a major ceremonial arrival and departure point (Pang, 2020). The collective memories evolved from the Pier has shaped Hong Kong citizens’ collective identity. Unfortunately, Queen’s Pier was demolished for the sake of Central and Wan Chai Reclamation (“History of Central Reclamation”, n.d.). The demolition has provoked an unprecedented level of debate between the Hong Kong government and various parties (Chai, 2009). The values behind them would be illustrated.

Figure 1. Queen’s Pier was a significant part of Hong Kong’s history, providing a main arrival and departure point for many ceremonial occasions

(Photo by Time Out)

 

2. Cultural Geographical theory

2.0 Introduction

As the clash of values between different stakeholders regarding the Queen's Pier is going to be discussed, cultural geographical concepts related to the formation of certain values as well as the conflict between different parties should be introduced in order to explain the issue in-depth.

2.1 Locale (場所)

Locale refers to the environment of the place and the composite of all the traces that come together. It refers to daily lives settings and social interactions. Located at Victoria Harbour, Queen’s Pier witnessed the colonial period during the 20th century. During that period, different governors took the Lady Maurine, the government’s official yacht which took them across Victoria Harbour and then disembarked at Queen’s Pier (“Governor MacLehose takes office”, n.d.). Besides, several members of the British Royal Family arrived in Hong Kong at Queen’s Pier. Furthermore, the government organized celebrations at Queen’s Pier such as the military parade which celebrates the birthday of King George V (“中環皇后碼頭歷史”, n.d.). The colonial period has left many memorable traces at Queen’s Pier.

2.2 Sense of place (場所感)

Sense of place is the feeling towards a place. A place is not a place if it doesn’t stimulate senses to people who are present there. Sense of place is the bridge that connects people, culture and the location all together. Queen’s Pier gives the colonial sense to Hong Kong people, with its Western architectural style etc. It is a significant place of Western culture, which is deeply rooted in Hong Kong until now. Queen's Pier has given Hong Kong people a sense of belonging to colonial rule. And the presence of Queen’s Pier also reminds Hong Kong people of their diversed identity.

2.3 Resisting force and dominant power (抵抗力與主導權力)

The dominant power has the power to regulate what others do, somtimes by threatening them. The dominant power has the authority, be it lawfully, militarily and most importantly, culturally. To resist the authority, resisting force has arisen to challenge it. In the case of Queen’s Pier, the dominant power is the government while the resisting force is the general public, cultural and environmental conservationists. The resisting force adopts measures, such as publicity, rallies, hunger strike to resist the government’s demolition decision.

2.4 Cultural traces (文化印記)

A place is composed of various cultural traces and they reflect specific cultural orders, which is defined by the dominant power. The entire Queen’s Pier is composed of various cultural traces, such as the “Queen’s Pier” horizontal plaque, the banners and posters made by the resisting forces, the performances at the Queen’s Pier, etc. Cultural traces can be distinguished into lasting or transient, material or non-material. The plaque is material and lasting; the banners are material but transient; the performances are non-materialistic and transient. Nonetheless, trace together form a place.

2.5 Clash of cultures (碰撞)

After clashes of different cultures, these ever-changing traces allow the development of new places. The current building blocks of Queen’s Pier are located at the government explosive depots in Kau Shat Wan. While the old Queen’s Pier and Star Ferry Pier formed the current Central Pier No.9. Besides, the land obtained by reclamation as well as the Queen’s Pier are now developed into the AIA carnival.

2.6 Relationship between space and place (空間與地方的關係)

Professor Linda Hershkovitz pointed out that the tension between the hegemonic dominance of public space and the temporary appropriation as a mass stage is part of the social process. This tension may continue to produce and change the social space. When the time passes, the older cultural traces may be erased or merged with new traces, thus forming a complex cultural landscape (Hershkovitz, 1993).

 

3. Empirical analysis

3.1 Dominant power – Government

Figure 2. Queen’s pier

(Photo by SCMP pictures)

 

In the early 2000s, the Government decided to carry out Central Reclamation Phase III. One of the major infrastructures is the Central-Wanchai Bypass. To build the bypass, Queen’s Pier must be demolished so that reclamation can be done. Besides, the Secretary for Home Affairs Mr. Ho Chi-ping has stated that the historical, archaeological and palaeontological values of Queen’s Pier are not sufficient to be a declared monument. Although the Antiquities Advisory Board has ranked the Pier as a Grade 1 Historical Building, the government chose to neglect the Board’s opinions.

The Secretary for Development, Carrie Lam, claimed that Hong Kong has a high population density. Hence, city planning is very important. It was urgent to start the Central Reclamation Phase III to alleviate transportation needs. This shows that the government prioritizes economic development over heritage protection.

From the cultural geographic aspect, the government establishes cultural order through traces to control one place. Even though these wishes or thoughts are not necessarily fair, the government may impose them on citizens through punishments. In fact, when citizens went to Queen’s Pier to participate in protests, like hunger strike, Queen’s Pier was temporarily used as a stage for the masses. The police then banished the protesters by force to redefine and control the place. (香港皇后碼頭清場完畢 三人被捕, 2007)

3.2 Resisting Power

3.2.1 Citizens

Three values are reflected from citizens, namely sense of belonging, increased awareness on cultural conservation and political awakening.

For sense of belonging, Queen's Pier signifies the identity of Hong Kong citizens as the citizens of British colony. (鄭, 2016) This can be explained by the locale of Queen's Pier as mentioned above. An increased awareness on cultural conservation is also shown. In the past, economic gain outweighed cultural heritage and many historical buildings were demolished. Later, citizens started to place more emphasis on the non-material quality of life, hence resulted in the increased awareness on cultural conservation, exhibited by other preservations like Blue House and Tai Kwun.

As citizens started to focus on non-material quality of life, they wanted to exercise their political rights and participate in decision-making(Ewing, 2020).. Therefore, they began to participate in protests to express their demands.

Figure 3. People are holding banners with the words “Preserve Queen’s pier” on July 30

(Photo by Samantha Sin/AFP)

 

3.2.2 Cultural Conservationist

There are three values reflected by the cultural conservationist, which are heritage completeness, location of heritage and the democracy of city planning respectively.

For heritage completeness, the government once proposed a plan to conserve only specific parts of Queen’s Pier, making symbolic cultural heritage incomplete, the cultural conservationists strongly oppose the suggestion, meaning that they value the completeness of Queen’s Pier to a large extent for arousing collective memory.

For the location of heritage, the government believes that there is a need to demolish the whole pier due to construction work. However, cultural conservation group The Conservancy Association proposed that the government can temporarily move the pier away and assemble them at the original location after the construction. This proposal is rejected by the government due to the high cost involved, but it can show that cultural conservationists think that the location of the heritage is directly associated with its culture and history.

Lastly, the cultural conservationists believe that they do not have the freedom to take part in the process of city planning. They believe that the “Antiquities and Monuments Ordinance” is outdated and the statements inside are ambiguous, causing the government to have sole control towards city planning. Moreover, the cultural conservationist stated that the Antiquities Advisory Board and the Antiquities and Monuments Office exist but without a concrete use. Therefore, they fail to take part in their valued city planning.

3.2.3 Environmentalists

There are two values reflected from environmental conservation groups, which are conservation of the environment and protection of marine life.

For the conservation of the environment, Action Group on Protection of the Harbour organised a Blue Ribbon Movement on 22nd December in 2016. Members from the environmental group as well as citizens tied blue ribbons on the fences along the Victoria Harbour. This showed their strong will in protecting the Queen’s Pier such that the whole Victoria Harbour scenery can be conserved. On the same day as the Blue Ribbon movement, members from the legislative council and district councils as well as citizens go on board. This boarding action was to show their opposition towards the reclamation of the Victoria Harbour as it will pollute the sea water, thus affecting marine life. Therefore, they value the protection of marine life.

 

4. Conclusion

Looking at the demolition of the Queen’s Pier through a geographical perspective, we have gained deeper insight on the issue. The cultural landscape of Queen’s Pier region that we see today are formed by constant clash of culture between different cultural groups, and the appearance of the landscape is a fusion of values from different stakeholders. It is recommended that for future city development plans of the government, understanding values of different cultural groups is crucial and as policy makers, the government truly has the duty to respect and integrate all the values.

 

References

Chai, K. (2009, January 01). Central Star ferry pier: Policy, politics and protest in the making of heritage in Hong Kong. Retrieved December 05, 2020, from http://hub.hku.hk/handle/10722/152558

Emmerton, R. (2016). Put Queen’s Pier close to its original location on Hong Kong Island. South https://www.scmp.com/comment/letters/article/1951659/put-queens-pier-close-its-original-location-hong-kong-island

Hershkovitz, L. (1993). Tiananmen Square and the politics of the place. Political Geography, 12(5), 395-420. https://doi.org/10.1016/0962-6298(93)90010-5

Pang, J. (2017). In Pictures: Demonstrations and demolition-10 years since the Queen’s Pier was pulled down. Hong Kong Free Press. https://hongkongfp.com/2017/08/06/pictures-demonstrations-demolition-10-years-since-queens-pier-pulled/

Time Out Hong Kong. (2020). Hong Kong’s Lost Buildings. Time Out. https://www.timeout.com/hong-kong/attractions/hong-kongs-lost-buildings

香港記憶: Hong Kong Memory. (n.d.). Retrieved December 07, 2020, from https://www.hkmemory.hk/MHK/collections/MemoriesWeShare/live_broadcasts/governor_macLehose_takes_office/index.html

中環皇后碼頭歷史和建築賞析. (n.d.). Retrieved December 05, 2020, from https://www.aab.gov.hk/form/AAB_Paper129_queen_annexb_c.pdf

香港皇后碼頭清場完畢 三人被捕 (2007, August 2) .). Retrieved December 25, 2020, from http://news.bbc.co.uk/chinese/trad/hi/newsid_6920000/newsid_6927100/6927167.stm

鄭, 威鵬. (2016, October 30). 無法解殖的後殖民﹕天星及皇后碼頭運動的空間政治 （討論提綱）. Retrieved December 23, 2020, from https://angelland3.wordpress.com/2016/10/29/

Ewing, K. (2020, March 31). Out with the old: The political awakening of a new generation of Hongkongers. Retrieved December 23, 2020, from https://hongkongfp.com/2016/03/27/out-with-the-old-the-political-awakening-of-a-new-generation-of-hongkongers/

Figure 1: Mei Ho House (Source: Chiu, 2021)

1. Introduction

Mei Ho House (Figure 1) marked the commencement of Hong Kong’s public housing programme. The building witnessed the development of Hong Kong’s public housing and the evolution of the residents’ living environments since 1954. By investigating the revitalization project of Mei Ho House and drawing upon Lefrebvre (1991)'s "space production" theory (Figure 2), discussing the relationship between place and space, and exploring whether the revitalization project can successfully inherit the collective memories of the past.

Figure 2: Lefrebvre (1991)'s "space production" theory

Analysing Mei Ho House through Lefebvre’s Spatial Triad (Lefrebvre (1991)'s "space production" theory

Dimension	Definition	Analytical focus in Mei Ho House
Spatial practice	It embodies the close connection between daily reality (daily affairs) and urban reality (paths and networks that connect places reserved for work, private life, and leisure) in a perceived (perceived) space.	History, architectural characteristics and human’s life of Mei Ho House.
Representations of space	A conceptualized space, a space for scientists, planners, urban planners, technocrats, and social engineers. They are certain types of artists with scientific inclinations-they are all identified by conceived, lived and perceived.	New value and changes that were given by the revitalization plan of Mei Ho House.
Representational space	A space that is directly lived through related images and symbols. Therefore, it is a space for "residents" and "users", as well as a space for artists and those few writers and philosophers who only want to engage in description. The representation space can be said to be biased towards a more or less coherent system of nonverbal symbols and signs.	Old and the new traces left by aborigines. Conduct exhibitions and various cultural activities to continue the collective memory.

2. Cultural Geographical Perspective in Use / Empirical Analysis

2.1. Spatial Practice

There are three components that will be mainly covered: history, architectural characteristics, human’s life.

The origin of Mei Ho House began with the end of World War II, people returned to Hong Kong and the Mainland immigrants escaped to Hong Kong. Resulting in the Hong Kong population reached a peak at that time. However, the short supply of land and housing in Hong Kong caused them to build squatters by using corrugated iron and wood waste on the mountainside (Figure 3). On 1953 Christmas Day, around 6 million people’s homes were destroyed by a catastrophic fire (Figure 4) (Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2009). The Government decided to construct resettlement blocks for placing victims and Mei Ho House is one of the resettlement blocks. Therefore, Mei Ho House is the traces of the birthplace of Hong Kong's public housing policy. The ‘H’ shape of architectural characteristics combined by two rectangular prisms is the only one left from Hong Kong (Figure 5). There are 6 floors of Mei Ho House and only provide the basic living elements for the victims (Hong Kong Hostels Association, n.d.; Revitalizing Historic Building Through Partnership Scheme, n.d.).

People living in Mai Ho House only enjoy the minimum quality of living, sharing common areas such as toilets, cooking in the corridors, and the water supply (Figure 6 & 7). However, in this place develop their unique culture as well as living style and because of this sharing environment increases the interaction between the neighbourhoods (HC, 2013; HK Housing Authority, 2010).

Figure 3: Squatter on the mountainside (Source: Government Records Service, n.d.)

Figure 4: Shek Kip Mei Fire in 1953 (Source: Government Records Service, n.d.)

Figure 5: Mai Ho House (Source: Government Records Service, n.d.)

Figure 6: Cooking in the corridors (Source: Government Records Service, n.d.)

Figure 7: Public water supply (Source: Government Records Service, n.d.)

2.2. Representation of space - Conceptualized space

The new value and the changes that were given by the revitalization plan.

After the Non-profit-making organisations providing proposals about preservation of the historic building, financial viability and community benefit, the government will select and provide financial support for renovation.

According to the revitalization of Historic Buildings Partnership Project: Mei Ho House Information Booklet, the main purpose of revitalization is keeping main features while meeting all legal requirements. The detailed clause mainly mentions the external structure of the building. For example, the H-shaped building and the wall colour. But less specific activation requirements for the internal like room structure, corridor, fence. Also, the guidelines were likely guaranteed from an operational perspective, fewer guidelines from a historical perspective. For example, fire escape, floor load, sewage and waste management, etc were mentioned. In the preservation aspect, the government suggested having a public housing museum in Mei Ho House to reflect historical value and significance. Also, the government advised that Mei Ho House can be revitalized as an art centre or youth hostel.

Hong Kong Youth Hostels Association (HKYHA) was selected to revitalize Mei Ho House Hostel. According to the government document, those were the Mei Ho House architectural changes by HKYHA. The corridor floor was rebuilt because the load weight did not comply with the building regulation. The concrete fence in the corridor changed to glass one. Also, some changes were made to fit hostel needs. Each room area has been increased. The central part of the original building like shared toilets and kitchens were changed to lifts and fire-fighting systems.

The entire revitalization plan presents the space conceived by power. It projects that the feasibility of commercial operation is more important than preserving the residents' traces of life.

2.3. Representational Space - Living area for users (HK citizens)

2.3.1. Traces left by aborigines 

The cultural groups, who are aborigines in Shek Kip Mei resettlement estate left some tangible and intangible traces. The tangible traces are equipment that appeared in the past estate, such as canvas beds (Figure 8), five-barrel cabinets that are present in a new space like showing an exhibition nowadays. And the intangible traces are old style residences and living experience owned by citizens, using some display boards to show the heritage currently. 

Figure 8: Tangible traces: Canvas beds (Source: Chiu, 2021)

2.3.2. Various use of Mei Ho House nowadays

Present the historical appearance of the resettlement estate

Regarding the architecture and historical significance, it can be seen that it has inherited the past characteristics of “H-shaped” residential buildings (Figure 9). There are 1200 pieces of equipment provided by the aborigines built in new space and presented to the public.

Figure 9: “H-shaped” residential buildings nowadays (Source: Chiu, 2021)

Drive the regional economic growth

In terms of the economic significance, YHA Mei Ho House Youth Hostel and some restaurants take significant roles in boosting the regional economic development. Different kinds of employment opportunities have been created for the working population. The increase in the number and flow of citizens stimulates the consumption of shops and hostels in the new spaces.

Preserve residents' collective memories

Focus on the social and cultural significance, it can be seen that Mei Ho House Alumni Network holds different activities to let former indigenous residents remember their past living time and consolidate neighbourhood relations in the activated space. Take the Lee’s family in Shek Kip Mei estate as an example, they pointed out that Aleurites Moluccana has been preserved and became the symbol of Mei Ho House, integrating into the life of old residents to preserve the collective memories of the past.

Conflicts between power and space of the Heritage of Mei Ho House

The public can only visit the Heritage of Mei Ho House (Figure 10) with no use for commercial shooting unless applying in advance (HKYHA, 2021). Visiting rules must be followed in the Heritage and we regard it as power. But citizens as a space user, try to use imagination to occupy the dominated space. Like local filmmakers making YouTube videos and we students to complete academic investigations, it is expected to be used for commercial purposes and meet personal needs, competing with power to avoid obeying the rules. We, however, live in this restricted space and can only live at the bottom of urban space because we aren’t allowed to take massive photos and videos for our record in the exhibition hall or we will receive warnings from the security and staff there.

Figure 10: the Heritage of Mei Ho House (Source: HKYHA, 2021)

3. Stakeholders' analysis and conflicts analysis

Our analysis objects include the government, old residents of Mei Ho House, neighbourhoods and non-locals (i.e., people who are not born and raised in Hong Kong).

We conducted a survey targeting our analysis objects, it shows that the biggest conflict between stakeholders occurs between the government and the old residents.

Firstly, the government is the major supporter of the revitalization scheme. The Antiquities Advisory Board of the government (n.d.) believes Mei Ho House is a historic building, which reflects the importance in the development history of public housing in Hong Kong. Therefore, the government thinks that there's a necessity to preserve it. Secondly, the Hong Kong Housing Authority (2009) believes that the public’s demand for their standard of living has begun to increase and their awareness of conservation work has begun to increase. Therefore, in order to make Shek Kip Mei a better community, the government thinks that it is necessary to carry out the revitalization scheme.

However, the old residents of Mei Ho House are the biggest naysayers against the revitalization scheme. They think that the Heritage of Mei Ho House is only a kind of specimen production. They don’t have any sense of substitution with the exhibits that can only be contacted from a long distance. It feels like they can’t take part in the exhibition from beginning to end. Moreover, they use nostalgia as a gimmick to add them to modern facilities to make money, but the consumption is quite high and is not borne by the grassroots. Last but not least, in terms of quality of life, the revitalization scheme brings varieties of negative impact to them. The most serious negative impact is that it destroyed the neighbourhood, which is a component of nostalgia, as well as something the Heritage of Mei Ho House is trying to recall. According to an article written by the government (2013), Ms. Man, an old resident of Mei Ho Building, said, "Back in the old days during the festival, neighbours would party together and barbecue on the ground floor of the building. Everyone is very happy. Neighbours came to give away red packets during the Lunar New Year. Every year, people look forward to the radish cake sent by the neighbours”. Neighbourhood is something you can feel only if you were there. It’s a feeling, a relationship, an irreplaceable memory. That’s why the old residents disagree with launching the revitalization scheme.

4. Conclusion

To conclude, the Mei Ho House revitalization project preserves the old traces, original uses and architectural features of the Mei Ho House in the spatial practice. It shows the daily reality (showing Hong Kong's community development and public housing environment since the 1950s) and urban reality (changings of citizens' living habits) of the Mei Ho House in the perceived space.

Through rules, the provisions of the government revitalization programme and the management of HKYHA, a representation of space is formed. It is a conceptualized space. The early public housing estates are preserved by rehabilitation projects. The characteristics inherit the historical, cultural and human values.

Finally, a representational space is formed by the old and the new traces. It is also a living space. The project raises the importance of the community’s attention to the conservation of tangible and intangible cultural heritage by exhibitions and various cultural activities. At the same time, it explains the historical, architectural, cultural and social significance of the second-level historical building-Mei Ho House.

The three elements of The Production of Space influence each other, making the current Mei Ho House appear as a mark of the integration of the old and the new, continuing the collective memory and promoting the development of social culture.

References

Chiu, Chun Long (2021, October). "Photos of Mei Ho House.". https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1-76sI6WYdDNz7ou9-BsDmov2mgpK8sve.

Fuchs, C. (2018, October 1). Henri Lefebvre's theory of the production of space and the critical theory of Communication. OUP Academic. Retrieved October 19, 2021, from https://academic.oup.com/ct/article/29/2/129/51 13030.

HC. (August 17,2013). 徙置區居民，一生何求？. [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WxX1LhINjxo&list=LL&index=1&t=119s

HK Housing Authority. (October 22, 2010). 石硤尾的歲月(二). [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=toevm6icue0&list=LL&index=5&t=2s

文物保育專員辦事處. (n.d.). 活化歷史建築伙伴計劃：第一期活化計劃. Retrieved Oct 10,2021, form https://www.heritage.gov.hk/tc/rhbtp/ProgressResult Mei_Ho_House

香港房屋委員會.(2009).石硤尾邨歷史背景. Retrieved Oct 10, 2021, from https://www.housingauthority.gov.hk/hdw/b5/aboutus/events/community/heritage/about.html

香港政府檔案處.(n.d.).與石尾硤大火有關的照片.Retrieved Oct 10, 2021, from https://www.grs.gov.hk/ws/erp/Shek_Kip_Mei_Fire/tc/content/index_2.html

香港青年旅舍協會.(n.d.).美荷樓活化計劃背景.Retrieved Oct 10, 2021, form https://www.yha.org.hk/zh/our-services/mei-ho-house-revitalisation-project/significance-and-design/

香港活化歷史建築伙伴計劃秘書處.(n.d.).美荷樓資料冊. Retrieved Oct 19, 2021, from https://www.heritage.gov.hk/tc/doc/美荷樓資料冊.pdf

香港青年旅舍. (2010).美荷樓古物諮詢委員會:文物影響評估. Retrieved Oct 10, 2021, from https://www.aab.gov.hk/form/144meeting/AAB144-36-Annex-B-chi.pdf

香港青年旅舍協會. (2009). Revitalising Historic Building Through Partnership Scheme. Retrieved Oct 19, 2021, from https://www.heritage.gov.hk/doc/rhbtp/Mei%20Ho%20House.pdf

A Study of the Conservation Value of Walled Villages in Hong Kong

Foreword

Hong Kong has a high population density, but due to its hilly geographical landscape, there has been a limited supply of flat land for housing, which causes serious housing problems. Since 1982, a developer named Cheung Kong Holdings has acquired the walled village Nga Tsin Wai Tsuen, and knocked down many centennial houses for redevelopment, in hopes of supplying 750 private apartments after the scheme was launched. Such actions of the developer have aroused much controversy between the conservation of walled villages and urban development. “They never listen to us! I don’t want money and I don’t want to leave, on the day they demolish here, I will lock myself in my shop!” said Mr. Lin, who had been selling clothing and electronics in Nga Tsin Wai Tsuen for ten years (Figure 1).

Figure 1. Mr. Lin who worked in in Nga Tsin Wai Tsuen for ten years (Photo by Lam Hei Yu)

Introduction

Walled villages are one of the oldest local cultures in Hong Kong and are commonly found in the New Territories. These villages can be divided into two categories, namely Hakka and Punti. There are a variety of cultural traces that can only be found in walled villages, including unique meals and wall designs, and they emerged mainly because of different cultural geographical factors. However, many walled villages are confronted with the risk of being demolished due to rapid urbanization. While developers have continuously attempted to reconstruct walled villages for the city's development, local villagers and citizens have opposed such measures in order to prevent the loss of the villages’ cultures. Therefore, through the use of Henri Lefebvre’s Spatial Triad, this project explores the cultural conflicts between conservation and urban development, which ultimately examines the conservation value of walled villages.

Cultural Geographical Perspective on Hong Kong’s Walled Villages

Traces in Walled Villages are historically rooted. During the Ming Dynasty, there were frequent pirate attacks in coastal area near South China Sea and the Pacific Ocean (Gao, 2018). Hence, local residents decided to build high walls around their villages, in an attempt to drive away the pirate’s attacks. Such defence awareness resulted in a “culture of fear”, which is distinctive to people living in the walled villages. Features showing the “culture of fear” can still be observed nowadays in the villages, such as doors with iron chains, narrow allies, and cannons.

Theoretical approach: Henri Lefebvre’s Spatial Triad

Using the theory of Spatial Triad from Henri Lefebvre’s La production de l’espace, this project explores the three elements of spatial triad and how they relate and interact with the cultural traces and geographical context of Hong Kong’s walled villages.

The three elements of spatial triad are as shown below (also see Figure 2):

l Spatial Practice – the daily usage of physical space, daily routine, experience, and behaviors of people

l Representations of Space – How space is conceived by the ones in authority, in other words, their usage and arrangement of space

l Representational Space – How people use and live within space despite the legislations devised by the authority

Figure 2. Illustration of Lefebvre’s Spatial Triad (Source: Lefebvre, 1991)

To apply the theory of spatial triad to the usage of space in Hong Kong’s walled villages, “Spatial Practice” represents the daily usage of the physical space of walled villages and the living habits, daily experience, and behaviors of residents. This can be shown through the cultural traces of residents, such as the distinctive designs of walls and the local culture – Poon Choi. In addition, “representation of space” can be interpreted as how space within Hong Kong’s walled villages is conceived by the ones in power, specifically the government who is in charge of implementing policies regarding the usage and arrangement of space. Finally, “representational space” refers to the actual living style of residents in the villages and their usage of space in spite of any laws and regulations enacted by the government.

Empirical Analysis

Conservation Values of Walled Villages

As evidenced by the demolition of Nga Tsin Wai Tsuen, certain developers wish to reconstruct walled villages which naturally brings about the loss of their cultural traces (see Foreword and Figure 1). Nonetheless, many citizens along with the government treasure the uniqueness of those traces, and thus support the conservation of the villages to protect important local cultures in Hong Kong.

Traces of walled villages are unique and difficult to recreate, such that reconstructing the villages may cause irretrievable loss of local cultures. Those traces are an amalgamation of the history and cultures of Hong Kong, which take up a large part of the collective memory of local citizens. In this regard, the preservation of those cultures can enhance people's sense of belonging and self-identity. Moreover, the distinct cultures of the walled villages can attract tourists around the globe, bringing economic benefits to local villagers and the government. This not only encourages the residents to protect the cultures of their villages, but also enables the government to receive a stable income for future conservations.

In relation to the application of Lefebvre’s Spatial triad to cultural traces of walled villages, Poon Choi Festival meal and the sharing of roasted pork are examples of traces used to examine spatial practice in the villages, as they are still largely well conserved today. Both Poon Choi Festival meal and sharing of roasted pork convey important connotations. The preparation, ingredients, setting and arrangement of a Poon Choi meal demonstrate unity and equity through the expression of gratitude within the local community. Meanwhile, the sharing of roasted pork symbolizes equality and the blessings passed down from ancestors to current villagers. The observation of spatial practice can also be explained by the “culture of fear” in walled villages. The fear of losing cultural heritage due to globalization and commercialization results in such ongoing traces to be passed on from generations to generations, thereby ensuring that all villagers share a common sense of belonging.

Furthermore, the representations of space in walled villages are shaped by the government’s authority to implement relevant laws and policies. This is evident in the Antiquities and Monuments Ordinance, which guarantees that the lives of villagers are to remain unaffected (Department of Justice of the Government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, 1976). As a result, this assures that physical traces like architectures and structural designs as well as non-physical traces such as beliefs and values of the locals, can be protected and preserved in walled villages.

Finally, one can understand representational space of walled villages by integrating spatial practice with representations of space. Nowadays, the concept of urbanization has penetrated the lifestyle of numerous local villagers, which has caused them to move out of their villages and seek job opportunities. Many of them prioritize a higher living standard over the conservation of walled villages. Regardless, families that moved out would still revisit their villages on special occasions. Therefore, even though there is a declining conservation awareness amongst local villagers, they still value the unique cultural traces of walled villages in the presence of globalization and cultural conflicts.

Conclusion

This investigation incorporates Lefebvre’s Spatial Triad to illustrate the various use of space in walled villages in Hong Kong, as well as to reflect the significance of their traces from a cultural geographical perspective. For instance, spatial practice can be seen in the unique wall designs and Poon Choi meals, both of which showcase the “culture of fear”. Additionally, representations of space are exemplified by the government’s imposition of laws and policies on walled villages, including the Antiquities and Monuments Ordinance. Subsequently, more and more local villagers began accepting and engaging in urbanization, while their desire to revisit walled villages from time to time serves as a phenomenon that exhibits representational space. As such, despite conflicts between multiple stakeholders specifically local citizens and developers, it is found that walled villages possess its own unique conservation value. By implementing policies which aim to conserve walled villages based on the public’s request, and focus on reconstructing areas in very decrepit conditions, one can strike a balance between conservation and urban development for the preservation of cultural traces and the spatial triad in the modern world.

Reference

Department of Justice of the Government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. (1976, January 1). Cap. 53 Antiquities and Monuments Ordinance. Hong Kong e-Legislation. https://www.elegislation.gov.hk/hk/cap53.

Gao, X. P. (2018, March 30). 香港圍村：現代都會中的古樸民俗 [Hong Kong Walled Village: Traditions and Folklore in Modern City]. Hong Kong Economic and Trade Office in Guangdong. https://www.gdeto.gov.hk/filemanager/content/pdf/publication/20180330_tc.pdf.

Lefebvre, H. (1991). The production of space. Oxford: Blackwell.

Oriental Press Group. (2021, March 10). 裕民坊重建老商戶拒遷 揚言清場當日鐵鏈鎖身守舖 [Merchant Refused to Move Out prior Reconstruction of Yu Man Square, Locking Himself inside His Shop]. on.cc東網. https://hk.on.cc/hk/bkn/cnt/news/20210310/bkn-20210310161423480-0310_00822_001.html.

From a cultural geographical perspective, why and how have the traces in the Kowloon Walled City been preserved and altered?

Figure 1. Front Door of the Kowloon Walled City Park (Site Visit)

Introduction

The Kowloon Walled City (the Walled City) was once a fort constructed by the Qing government at the tip of Kowloon Peninsula, for protection against the British army situated on Hong Kong Island. However, disputes abounded over the sovereignty of the Walled City between the Chinese and British government since the late 19th century. 

Amid the conflicts, the Walled City was gradually abandoned, without an obvious controlling power. Right after the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the influx of immigrants to the city led to a rise of illegal structures and businesses. Myriads of cultural traces were constructed, some of which exist while others have become part of the history. This project aims to scrutinize how different traces were formed in the Walled City over the course of time.

Throughout this study, photos taken before the Walled City’s demolition and multiple graphs are utilized to visualize events, traces, values and conflicts in the Walled City vividly.

Cultural Geographical Perspective in Use 

To reveal the reasons for the changes of cultural landscape in the Walled City, the perspectives of cultural geography listed below are used for analysis.

Traces and Tracemakers

Traces are marks or remnants left in a place by cultural life. Traces can be tangible (e.g. buildings, signs and statues) or intangible (e.g. activities, performances, emotions). “Tracemakers” are those who create traces (Anderson, 2015). Traces exist in places, and are usually intentionally created to convey the values of tracemakers . On the other hand, places are constituted by “location”, “locale” and “sense of place” (Figure 2).

Figure 2. The concept of ‘place’

Therefore, space is different from place. Spaces are empty abstractions (Lefebver, 1991) which are often scientific, open and detached (Anderson, 2015), while places are drenched in cultural meaning (Preston, 2003) which are often intimate, peopled and emotive (Anderson, 2015).

Power

Power is a transformative capacity, the ability to transform the traces of others to achieve certain strategic goals (Cresswell, 2000).  A dominating power controls or coerces others’ actions whereas a resisting power challenges the dominating power usually through demonstrations by questioning ‘who is in control of culture and power’ (Anderson, 2015). The interactions between powers and stakeholders are essential in understanding the formulation of the conceived space of the Kowloon Walled City Park and subsequent implementation of the plan. 

Anarchic state

Anarchy is a situation in a country in which there is no government, order or control (Oxford, 2021). There had been an anarchic state in the Walled City since the 1950s, during which no dominating power was present. The chart below (Figure 3) analyses the formation of the anarchist society, which contributed to formation of representation of space (to be discussed later).

Figure 3. Formation of anarchist society.

Spatial Triad

French Marxist theorist Henry Lefebvre introduced the spatial triad in his book, "The Production of Space”, that space is produced by the interaction of the three elements: spatial practice, representation of space and representational space (Lefebvre, 1991).

The theory helps construct the timeline of events happening in Walled City (see its graphical representation in Figure 4). It is helps clearly delineate the change of “locale” and “sense of place”, thus transformation of traces of the Walled City as a place of the same physical location over time.

We start with “spatial practice”, explaining the old traces like the prominence of the prostitution, gambling and drug industries and the Yamen in the case of the Walled City that reflect the “locale” and “sense of place” at its original site, then “representation of space”, identifying powers of the Walled City and how they interacted to formulate the conceived space of the Kowloon Walled City Park Plan altering “locale” and “the sense of place”, and finally “representational space”, introducing the traces preserved in the plan as well as how new traces have been formed, creating new “locale” and “sense of place”.

Figure 4. The Spatial Triads. (CUHK Geography and Resource Management, 2020)

Spatial Practice - Perceived Space 

Tangible and intangible traces that represent the perceived space of the Walled City are discussed below.

Political Perspective:

Beginning from the 1950s, the Walled City was in an anarchic state, giving rise to the following phenomena:
Unlicensed Practice of Medical Services Providers and Food Factories Operators

After WWII, immigrants from Southeast Asia and China rushed into the Walled City. Numerous professionals like doctors and dentists and food factory operators set up businesses there without the need to obtain a license from the Colonial Government. They left behind tangible traces: a sprawl of doctors’ or dentists’ advertisement signs, and food factories which could exist in close proximity to residential flats (Figure 5).

Figure 5. Street View of the Kowloon Walled City. (Girard, 1993)

Living Environment

Two related tangible traces were left by the anarchic state. First, the anarchic state led to disorganized management of the city, where residents discarded refuse to the streets arbitrarily and no organized cleaning up was exercised by the bureaus, resulting in poor hygiene (Figure 5). Second, architectural constructions were unplanned, creating a dimly lit living space (Figure 5). Therefore, the Walled City was also called the City of Darkness.

Figure 6. The claustrophobic compounds (enclosed in the red square) in the Walled City had a dreadful population density of 1,255,000 inhabitants/ km2 (Wikipedia, 2021), which was by then the world’s highest. In comparison, Macau, where the population density is now the globe’s highest, only has 21,340 inhabitants/ km2 (Wikipedia, 2021).

Prominence of the Prostitution, Gambling and Drug Industry

Associated with the anarchic state, most law enforcers would not bother to step into the Walled City. Hence, tangible traces of prostitution, gambling and drugs were the leading entertainment industries back in the 1950s. For instance, the place that invented the first stripdance in Hong Kong attracted many residents to watch the show. Furthermore, the drug industry flourished especially in Kwong Ming Street, where numerous drug retailers sold heroin to the drug addicts.

Social Perspective:

Yamen 

This is a tangible trace of the Walled City. Once a military office of the Qing army, the Yamen was left by the Qing government in 1899 when the army departed the Walled City. In the 1960s, China Native Evangelistic Crusade rented the Yamen and used it as a clinic, church and school with free education. In 1978, the building was turned into an elderly centre which functioned until the demolition in the 1990s. The Yamen provided a place for socialization which fostered residents’ sense of belonging.

Community Relationship

Rampant crimes and scarce resources created a need for community self-help in order to survive (Lam, 2016). Trust thus developed between residents resulting in a harmonious community with strong bonding, an intangible trace of the Walled City.

Most of the above traces were destroyed in the demolition and only some are preserved (to be discussed later).

Representation of Space - Conceived Space 

Cultural order and geographical border

Traces culturally order places (Anderson, 2015). People in places are inclined to defend their cultural traces. In our study, the residents of the Walled City defended their homes, whilst the Colonial Government attempted to demolish the enclave, in an attempt to restore law and order in the Walled City, bringing about conflicts between different powers.

Dominating powers

Dominating powers should be first identified before discussion of their conflicts. We identified the Qing Government and the Colonial Government at different periods creating different traces above. The state of anarchy will be further elaborated below as well in terms of its role in shaping traces in the Walled City.

Qing Government 

The power that directly influenced the construction of Walled city and its traces through military planning in 1847, as summarized in Figure 7.

Figure 7. Formation of traces under Qing Government as dominating power.

Colonial Government 

The power involved in the intentional destruction and unintentional conservation of some very few cultural traces through coercion, as illustrated in Figure 8.

Figure 8. Formation of traces under Colonial Government as dominating power

Anarchic state (三不管)

Immigrants swarmed into the Walled City in the 1950s, enticed by the perfect alignment with feng shui and the extremely low cost of moving in. People started to construct illegal structures, open up businesses, and develop an unordered community, morphing it into an area packed with notoriously tall and erratic structures (Figure 9). This was one of the reasons for demolition.

Figure 9. Formation of traces in the anarchist society

Plan for demolition and park development: interaction between powers and serious urban decay

Although previous attempts to demolish the Walled City by the Colonial Government failed due to resistance from the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and residents of the Walled City, the attempt in 1987 succeeded. Reasons are explained below. 

The resolution of HK’s sovereignty, the crux of all disputes, by the Sino-British Joint Declaration in 1984 ensured HK’s return to China in 1997. There was no need for the PRC to maintain the Walled City as a historical claim for sovereignty in HK. Therefore, when the plan to demolish and convert it into a park was proposed in 1987, both the PRC and Britain agreed with it. This is represented in Figure 10A.

Meanwhile, the Colonial Government used the plan to show a clean and orderly colonial HK, to prevent the PRC from criticizing them as incompetent for not tackling the poor living environments of the Walled City, thereby preserving the image of the colonial government (Fraser & Li, 2017), as indicated in Figure 10B. The park was therefore planned as a Qing-styled garden. Purposeful preservation of the old trace, the Yamen, by the dominating power was planned, as it is in accordance to the Qing-styled design of the park and the value the Colonial Government would like to convey.

The disturbing urban decay issues, as previously described, also represented a pressing need to improve residents’ living standards.

Figure 10A &B. Summaries of the political factors influencing the demolition plan.

The solution to the above problems is the imagination of the Kowloon Walled City Park as a recreational area. Different stakeholders and powers interacted to form the conceived space of the park plan, which incorporated values from residents of the Walled City and the general public, including compensation and resettlement for the prior and preservation for the latter.

However, the cultural landscape would be completely altered by the plan. Resisting powers who exercise their transformative power therefore arose. Some residents formed the Kowloon Walled City Kai Fong Welfare Continuing Promotion Association to preserve the neighbourhood spirit lost in the demolition, while others rallied against the act of demolition (Figure 11), which were suppressed by the Colonial Government as the dominating power.  Some constructed their spatial imagination of the Walled City at virtual spaces like TV series, movies and video games (to be discussed later). See Figure 12 for the summary of interaction between stakeholders: the residents, the Colonial Government, the PRC and the general public.

Figure 11. Residents rallied against the demolition plans. (Grundy, 2013)

Figure 12. Illustration of how different stakeholders interact to form the Walled City Park plan and the creation of other conceived spaces that are different from the hegemony.

Representational Space - Physical Space 

After the Walled City was torn down in 1994, the site was reconstructed into the Kowloon Walled City Park, which was the result of compromission and interaction of the stakeholders as discussed previously. This gave the existing physical space new functions of:

l City lung

l Recreational land use

l Preservation of cultural relics

Here, preservation refers to the process of retaining a place’s cultural significance by maintaining its existing fabric and retarding deterioration (Australia ICOMOS, 1999).

Yamen

Located at the centre of the park, the Yamen, one of the park’s declared monuments, is the only building that has been fully preserved and restored to its original appearance.

The Yamen retains traditional Qing architectural features, with walls built from brick and granite and tile-covered roofs (Figure 13). Also, the artefacts are tangible traces that reflect the building’s history as a Qing military office. These artefacts include ancient cannons and calligraphy written by a Qing deputy general (Figure 13). 

Figure 13. Tangible traces in the Yamen (Site Visit).

Old South Gate

Two granite plaques engraved with the Chinese characters “South Gate” and “Kowloon Walled City” were unearthed at the site of the original South Gate during the demolition of the Walled City, and is now being displayed at the park (Figure 14). Moreover, a building’s cornerstones made from reinforced concrete are displayed at the park, preserving part of the architectural features from the anarchic times (Figure 14).

Figure 14. Top: Granite plaques unearthed at the original site of the South Gate, which were buried by residents of the Walled City during WWII to prevent the invading Japanese army destroying them (Wikimapia, 2021).

Bottom: Cornerstones of a building (AIA Vitality Park, 2021)

Representational Space - Virtual Space

Despite the preservation of characteristic tangible traces from the Qing Dynasty, many traces that once existed in the anarchic times have disappeared from the physical space during demolition. These tangible and intangible traces, like the cramped living environment, ways of life of residents and their social bonding, cannot be fully represented by images and text descriptions in the park exhibition areas alone. Hence, these traces are converted into cultural memory and continue to exist in our lived space in the form of virtual concepts and stories.

In the entertainment industry, numerous movies, TV shows, video games and animations have their plots set in the Walled City, with particular emphasis on the mysterious and legendary features of the Walled City, like the claustrophobic buildings and triad activities (Anderson, 2015). 

Furthermore, architectural styles that matured in the development of the Walled City, namely vertical development, parasitic constructions and multifunctional buildings are also seen in modern architecture in HK, such as skyscrapers and unauthorised constructions.

The figure below is an illustration of the cross-section of the Walled City drawn by Japanese researchers, showing detailed layouts of the residential, commercial and industrial areas in the city, thus the livelihoods of residents who once lived there.

Conclusion

In this study, the spatial triad is applied to the analysis of the changing landscapes of the Walled City. As the Walled City evolved from a military station to an anarchic city, numerous traces were created in the perceived space. However, the emergence of new social and political practices brought about clashes of values and interests, which consequently induced actions from dominating powers to formulate and execute plans to demolish the Walled City and construct a park representing the ideals of their conceived space. The end product of the interaction of powers is a physical space which provides aesthetic recreation while preserving part of the city’s history in our lived space. The remaining cultural memories are embodied in various forms of artistic creations, enabling continuous appreciation of cultural uniqueness of the Kowloon Walled City.

References

Anderson, J. (2015). Understanding cultural geography: Places and traces (2nd ed.). Routledge.

Antiquities and Monuments Office. (2021). Former yamen building of Kowloon walled city, Kowloon Walled City Park - Declared monuments - Antiquities and monuments office. 

https://www.amo.gov.hk/en/monuments_63.php

AUSTRALIA ICOSMOS (1999). Charter (the Burra Charter) for the Conservation of Places of Cultural Significance.

https://www.gdrc.org/heritage/icomos-au.html

Crawford, J. (2020, Jan 6). The Strange Saga of Kowloon Walled City. https://www.atlasobscura.com/articles/kowloon-walled-city

Chung, P. Y. & Ko, T. K. (2012, Dec). A Research on Lung Tsun Stone Bridge and its surrounding area.

Fraser, A. & Li, E.C.Y. (2017). The second life of Kowloon Walled City: Crime, media and cultural memory. Crime Media Culture, 13(2), 217-234.

Grudy, T. (2013, Apr 7). HISTORY – A Brief Visual History of Kowloon Walled City. http://hongwrong.com/kowloon-walled-city-photos/

Lam, S. (2 December 2016). Here’s What Western Accounts of the Kowloon Walled City Don’t Tell You. ArchDaily. Retrieved 8 November 2021, from:

https://www.archdaily.com/800698/heres-what-western-accounts-of-the-kowloon-walled-city-dont-tell-you

Lefebvre, H. (1991). The production of space. Oxford: Blackwell.

Oxford University Press. (2021). Anarchy.  Oxford English Dictionary. Retrieved 9 November, 2021, from:

https://www.oed.com/view/Entry/7118?redirectedFrom=anarchy#eid

Preston, C. (2003). Grounding Knowledge: Environmental Philosophy, Epistemology, and Place. University of Georgia Press: Athens and London.

陳芷慧. (2016, August 28). 【真城寨英雄】揭牙佬身世之謎 城寨逾百無牌牙醫 街症嚴重不足. 香港01. https://www.hk01.com/%E7%A4%BE%E5%8D%80%E5%B0%88%E9%A1%8C/39683/%E7%9C%9F%E5%9F%8E%E5%AF%A8%E8%8B%B1%E9%9B%84-%E6%8F%AD%E7%89%99%E4%BD%AC%E8%BA%AB%E4%B8%96%E4%B9%8B%E8%AC%8E-%E5%9F%8E%E5%AF%A8%E9%80%BE%E7%99%BE%E7%84%A1%E7%89%8C%E7%89%99%E9%86%AB-%E8%A1%97%E7%97%87%E5%9A%B4%E9%87%8D%E4%B8%8D%E8%B6%B3

香港房屋協會. (2016, September 9). 寨城的黑色歲月（下） - 房協長者通. 

https://www.hkhselderly.com/tc/travel/scenic/275

彭麗芳 (2019, March 5). 【閱讀清單】從九龍城寨看香港建築發展. 明周文化. Retrieved November 8, 2021, from https://www.mpweekly.com/culture/%E4%B9%9D%E9%BE%8D%E5%9F%8E%E5%AF%A8-%E5%BB%BA%E7%AF%89-%E6%9B%B8-41866.

頭條日報. (n.d.). 靈感國度--九龍城寨 的空間意義. 頭條日報 Headline Daily. Retrieved November 8, 2021, from https://hd.stheadline.com/news/columns/28/20150727/356798/%E5%B0%88%E6%AC%84-%E9%9D%88%E6%84%9F%E5%9C%8B%E5%BA%A6-%E4%B9%9D%E9%BE%8D%E5%9F%8E%E5%AF%A8-%E7%9A%84%E7%A9%BA%E9%96%93%E6%84%8F%E7%BE%A9.

Images:

Girard, G. (1993). City of Darkness: Life in Kowloon Walled City. Retrieved 8 November 2021, from:
http://www.greggirard.com/work/kowloon-walled-city--13

Interpreting the redevelopment of Lee Tung Street using Lefebvre’s Spatial Triad

Cover Picture (Retrieved from https://www.flickr.com/photos/ktp/250198293/)

Foreword

What was once a street full of printing shops in Tong Lau and people with mutual dependence has turned into an alien street with its purpose stripped away (東方日報, 2015) after a redevelopment plan implemented by the Hong Kong Urban Renewal Authority.

1. Introduction

Lee Tung Street (hereafter LTS) is located in Wan Chai (see Figure 1) and was redeveloped into a street focusing on nothing but money. The people who lived there were forced out by the dominating power (Anderson, 2017), meaning the traces they carried and the shops would transform into the paths we have now. Our research question is "how drastic is the transformation of traces after the redevelopment and is the change of traces worth?". We will interpret the changes through Henri Lefebvre's Conceptual Triad of Production of Space (Henri, 1992).

Figure 1. LTS’ Location (Retrieved from https://goo.gl/maps/v9tWotkZtJR9bdus6)

2. Cultural Geographical Perspective in Use

To find out how the traces represented the original community, a cultural-geographical perspective and Lefebvre's spatial triad is applied. Using theoretical perspectives to assess how the traces are preserved and the value contradiction of different stakeholders. The theory is chosen because of its compatibility with our target.

Space is an abstract thing. With any rules, culture, thoughts and values, anything meaningful put in the space will become a Place (Anderson, 2017). The place will also change from time to time.

Traces are the interactions of geographical context and culture and can be divided into "material" and "non-material."

Lefebvre’s spatial triad contains three elements (Henri, 1992): (See Figure 2)

Representation of space traces the social area, interpreted as existing human activities, moral values, and objects, e.g., Tong Lau in Lee Tung Street.

Representational space, any spatial power, and control dominate the rules of the space, e.g., the implementation of the redevelopment plan.

Spatial space is the present use of the space, which can be directly observed and composed of new and old traces, e.g., Avenue Walk.

Analysis through the spatial triad focuses on how people's daily routines and habits change. How the redevelopment process modified the traces, and how the power of redevelopment reshaped the conception of space.

Figure 2. An illustration of Lefebvre’s Spatial Triad in the case of LTS (Retrieved from Presentation PPT)

3. Empirical Analysis

In this case study, we decided to use the Spatial Triad to analyze LTS. The Representation of Space would be the printing shops in Tong Lau and the hidden relationships between the residents. As they were all traces of the past LTS. It was then affected by the Representational Space which can’t be seen with eyes, in this case, the LTS redevelopment plan. Under the effects of redevelopment plan, LTS has turned into Avenue Walk, which is the Perceived Space we have today. They cannot exist without each other.

In the case of the Representation of Space, Tong Lau was built for a blend of residential and commercial purposes, and LTS was full of them. In fact, all the printing shops that in LTS were housed in Tong Lau so Tong Lau and LTS are both important traces in the analysis. Since the 1950s, the Hong Kong government has aggregated several printing shops for convenience in monitoring. The rectangular interior structure of the Tong Laus has given rise to the use of the rear end of Tong Laus as printing workshops for production and the use of the front section of the shop as reception and trading. This operation method offered great flexibility to small-scale businesses, reduced costs.

Apart from that, the agglomeration of printing shops in LTS has paved the way for an indigenous economic cycle: the division of labor among themselves. Some might focus on a particular part of the production, while others might focus on another aspect. Therefore, there were both competitions and mutualism between shop owners in LTS. Thus, the fame of LTS drew a crowd of tourists ranging from Hong Kong to overseas to visit and consume there, bringing prosperity to LTS and nearby in the past. It offered self-subsistence and job opportunities to senior residents, especially the elderly who were less educated.

Under mutual assistance, their economic activities and daily lives were closely correlated, giving rise to high communal cohesion and collective identity levels. However, due to a close bonding in LTS, derived from communal cohesion and collective identity, copying others' designs would often be resolved internally, such as complaining about the copycats instead of bringing the conflicts to court.

In 1999, the government started planning to transform LTS into an integrated development area (市區重建局, 2007) which is the Representational Space. It changes the street into a Semi-European style place which comprises a Semi-European shopping mall and four high-class residential buildings although the plan was carried out to preserve as much of the past as possible. The changes observed are the Perceived Space. The past residents are now spread throughout Hong Kong, breaking their bondage of mutual dependence. The site now emphasizes the value of money efficiency rather than interpersonal relations. It broke the local culture of Tong Lau. There are 29 shops, and only 1 of them is printing-related (Lee Tung Avenue Management Co, 2021) (See Figure 3). The people and the printing shops are gone, and the LTS has a new trace.

Figure 3. Last Printing Shop (Retrieved from http://www.leetungavenue.com.hk/tc/)

3.1 Interactions between stakeholders

Firstly, dominating power refers to the power forcing other parties to perform specific actions (Anderson, 2017). The dominance of one group over another is referred to as hegemony, in this case, the government (Urban Renewal Authority). This may lead to disobedience and transgression, which may further trigger resisting force from growing, meaning that opposing parties may start to challenge the dominating influence. The relationship between different stakeholders is summarized in the following flowchart. (See Figure 4)

Figure 4. Stakeholder flowchart (Retrieved from Presentation PPT)

The stakeholders can be divided into two sides: the supporting and the opposing side. As shown in the diagram, the government plays the role of policymaker, decision-maker, and supervisor. The government has the dominating power which allows it to retain the land and properties in LTS. Moreover, developers appointed by the government would also be allowed control and perform redevelopment work at LTS. Citizens that support the redevelopment will agree with the government's plan, forming an obedience relationship.

Citizens who oppose the idea, primarily LTS residents and business owners, will display a resistant power against the government. They did, however, organize conservation groups (in this case, the H15 concern group), which encouraged communication and proposals to the government. It's worth noting that cognitive liberation (McAdam, 2013) may be implicated, which means that some people who were initially opposed to the bid may be persuaded by supporters and change their thoughts. Supporting parties are concerned mainly with tangible or actual elements like hygiene, public environment, resident capacity, etc. However, opposing parties often emphasize the intangible cultures in LTS, such as the printing culture, relationship with neighbors, and sense of belonging. This causes conflict between the two parties, which will be explained below.

This project exemplifies the diversity of resisting authority. Opposing residents signed petitions (See Figure 5). They scribbled slogans on a wall (See Figure 6) to express their displeasure with the project so that the authorities and other citizens might learn more about their concerns. They also erect banners across LTS (See Figure 7). Opposing groups also held forums to provide citizens a chance to voice their concerns and highlight the harmful effects of the H15 redevelopment project (呂烈丹, 2013). After completing the project, Wyman Wong, a well-known songwriter, created a song for Kay Tse called "囍帖街 to express his regret and aversion to redeveloping LTS.

Figure 5. Logan (Retrieved from http://hk.epochtimes.com/news/2007-12-27/抗議重建利東街%20%20居民無限期絕食-43848646)

Figure 6. Banner (Retrieved from http://www.inmediahk.net/node/1030909)

The spark of conflict can be explained in two different factors: the form of culture perceived and the point of concern. Regarding the structure of culture perceived, the supporting parties think that the historical buildings in LTS are the central part of the LTS culture. Thus, the government consulted conservationists who expressed that the old buildings in LTS lack historical value or architectural characteristics. As a result, they rejected the H15 concern group's argument. However, what the opposing parties perceive as the area's culture is the interpersonal relationship and neighborhood in LTS. LTS had been a well-known landmark in Hong Kong for selling wedding invitations. However, the redevelopment will cause the closure of most local shops. Even though part of the culture is preserved, this project will lead to gentrification (i.e., the residents in LTS changed from low-income to high-income), and thus the neighbors will no longer be the same. This reduces the residents' sense of belonging and destroys their culture.

The opposing and supportive parties, on the other hand, have various points of concern. When it comes to conservation and development, the proponents will place a premium on profit maximization and resource efficiency maximization. LTS used to be a run-down street with filthy surroundings and crowded structures. LTS can no longer accommodate such a large population as the population grows. As a result, the government wants to convert LTS into a high-end residential area, stimulating economic development and increasing residential capacity (市區重建局, 2007). One of the key considerations for developers is profit maximization. Conservation groups, on the other hand, may oppose this strategy because they believe it leads to the privatization of local culture. The redevelopment of LTS into a high-end shopping district shattered locals’ long-standing relationship and produced a phony conservative scene, which was not the project's primary goal. For the population of that area, using the concept of conservation to promote economic development would be unsettling. As a result, the two parties are at odds with one other.

4. Conclusion

After the redevelopment of LTS, came the loss of humanity, the decline of residents' sense of belonging and the disappearance of most imprints. Only a small part of the imprints was saved. Now LTS focuses on commercial benefits. Thus, there is drastic transformation. Although the existing traces are justified in cities that focus on efficiency, our group thinks the government could have done better research and better refined the redevelopment. Therefore, our answer to the research question is that only a small amount of traces is preserved and the new traces have taken over due to the focus on economic benefits.

References

Anderson, B. (2017). Cultural geography 1: Intensities and forms of power.

Henri, L. (1992). The Production of Space.

Lee Tung Avenue Management Co. (2021). 利東街網站. Lee Tung Avenue. http://www.leetungavenue.com.hk/tc/

McAdam, D. (2013). Cognitive Liberation. https://doi.org/10.1002/9780470674871.wbespm030

市區重建局. (2007). 灣仔利東街重建項目—新聞發布—傳媒中心—市區重建局—URA. https://www.ura.org.hk/tc/media/press-release/20071224

夏循祥（2017）。《權力的生成：香港市區重建的民族志》。北京：社會科學文獻出版社。

呂烈丹. (2013, August 8). 呂烈丹: 保存本土文化，保存香港特色. H15關注組. https://h15concerngroup.wordpress.com/過往對市區重建的評論/關於利東街的民主規劃運動/呂烈丹-保存本土文化，保存香港特色/

卑利街/嘉咸街重建項目：穿著衣服改衣服的傳統市集重建，Retrieved 7 Nov 2021，https://www.ur.org.tw/classroom/view/164

H15 關注組 回應 《市區重建策略檢討》 「建立公識」階段之公眾意見總結及展望，Retrieved 7 Nov 2021，https://www.legco.gov.hk/yr09-10/chinese/panels/dev/papers/dev0710cb1-2441-8-c.pdf

灣仔利東街重建項目，Retrieved 7 Nov 2021，https://www.ura.org.hk/tc/media/press-release/20071224

東方日報. (2015). 囍帖街變臉 舊情不再. https://orientaldaily.on.cc/cnt/news/20150119/00176_026.html

【利東街仕紳化十年記】「貢獻對後人多過對自己」 利東街街坊爭取原區安置失敗 卻播下珍貴種子，Retrieved 7 Nov 2021，https://www.mpweekly.com/culture/gentrification-lee-tung-street-%e4%bb%95%e7%b4%b3%e5%8c%96-173331

1.Introduction

The Central Market is a renowned historical site located in Queen’s Road. Since its establishment during British occupation of Hong Kong Island in 1841, the Central market has undergone four transformations, enveloping the development history of Hong Kong. In light of its cultural significance, the Chief Executive’s Policy Address in 2009 announced the removal of Central Market from the Land Application list and the Urban Renewal Authority (URA) was tasked to revitalise the Central Market under the initiative of "Conserving Central'' (Urban Renewal Authority, 2017). By unveiling how cultural traces are shaped across various generations of the Central market, this project aims to evaluate whether the revitalisation of the Central Market can achieve the retention of historical and communal significance while bringing in new spatial elements to adapt the changes in socio-economic developments in Hong Kong. Lefrebvre’s (1991) theory of “Spatial Triad-- Production of Space''will be used as the main framework for analysis as it delineates the interaction between Central Market’s geographical location and social context from the past to present, giving a full picture of Central Market’s transformation and development of cultural traces for answering our research question.

Fig 1. Revitalised Central Market under the scheme of "Conserving Central''(Candice Chau/HKFP)

2. Cultural Geographical Perspective in Use

Cultural Geography investigates the intersection between geographical context and culture that produces unique symbolic and material cultural traces in a specified location. These cultural traces are essential in understanding the stories and values that produce a space. Accordingly, the Central Market exhibits different cultural traces from the past to present as a result of intersections of diverse cultural ideologies, stakeholders and social-geographical context evolution.

Fig 2. Comparison of the third and fourth generation of Central Market(HK Man : 香港在消失ing)

Definition of key concepts

The theory of “Production of Space” proposed by Lefebvre, defined social space as the integration of three major components--the perceived space, conceived space and lived space.

Perceived space: the perceived space contains traces from the pre-existing social space. Social activities, values, tangible and intangible objects are traces that make up the perceived space (Lefebvre, 1991; Wang, 2009). In the central market, the history and applications of the old central market are regarded as representations of the perceived space.

Conceived space: the conceived space is a conceptualized space with political and cultural actions as the rules to maintain the cultural ordering, and power relations are therefore displayed (Lefebvre, 1991; Wang, 2009). The conservation rationale and process of the central market, including conflicts between stakeholders and values involved, are considered as the components of the conceived place.

Lived space: the lived space is an integration of the perceived space and conceived space, where both original and new traces are found in the formation of a new social space (Lefebvre, 1991; Wang, 2009). After the conservation of the Central Market, not only the old traces are preserved, but new features are also added in the conserved central market. Thus, these traces are seen as the presentations of the lived space.

3. Empirical analysis

(i) The Perceived Space

The old Central Market was the first fresh food market in Hong Kong and has supported the basic living of citizens since 1842. The British army occupied Hong Kong Island in 1841 and the population of Hong Kong Island has increased rapidly. To meet the rising living demand, the market was built and was known as the Canton Bazaar. Before land reclamation, Des Voeux Road West was the main street on the coastline and became the major road for transporting goods to the market. In the 1850s, another pile of Chinese fled to Hong Kong due to the Taiping Rebellion and contributed to the new demand for new markets.

The market was then moved to Queen’s Road and was renamed as Central Market, as known as the 2nd generation of the market. The construction of the 3rd generation of the market was completed in 1895 while the 4th generation of market was built in 1939 and was renamed temporarily during the Occupation by Japanese and its name was changed back to Central Market in 1993. (See Fig 3) In 1989, the facade facing Des Voeux Road Central was knocked down owing to the construction of Mid-levels Escalator System and the market was connected to the escalator system in 1994.

Fig 3. The name of Central Market has changed from 中央市場 to 中環街市 (Ming Pao)

As the testimony of the historical and geographical development of Central, it was rated as a Grade III historical building in 1990 yet it was not protected by the Antiquities and Monuments Ordinance and was countering the fate of destruction. With the investigation and field observation by different experts, stating that Central Market had prosperous cultural values, for example, it was the only surviving architecture with 1930’s Bauhaus style in Hong Kong, which deserved preservation. It was then closed in 2003 then was approved for revitalisation and conservation in 2009.

(ii) The Conceived Space

Apart from the conservation of historical sites and architecture, the conservation plan for the Central Market aimed at integrating two aspects into the renovated building, the two aspects being to implement a “Playground for All” and to create a shared social space for the community. “Playground for All” aimed to create a approachable, energetic and gregarious space that preserved the memories of the past while bringing in new elements of interactive play for its visitors, while the concept of shared community space had the goal of creating a Central Market that showcased its architecture, culture, art and exhibitions, all while incorporating daily life design into its common spaces.

Several ‘character defining elements’ were listed out to be preserved during the planning of the revitalization, which included the atrium, the external facades facing Jubilee Street and Queen Victoria Street, grand staircases, 6 different types of market stall clusters and the column grid. Aside from integral architectural design, several other elements were incorporated into the interior design as well, the most evident of which being the traditional red wet market lamps, the bamboo steamer plant pots, and reconstruction exhibits of the rice stalls at the time of the old Central Market.

Despite best efforts to maintain the use of the Central Market, the government still received pushback from the public on the use of the market, especially in its initial stages of planning and development. While the government advocated for commercial use of the area, citizens who wished for the market to be a communal space were unenthused about such a decision and formed resistance against development plans. In 2005, the government made the decision to allow the demolition of the Central Market. This sparked widespread dissatisfaction towards the government’s decision and led the Hong Kong Institute of Architects to publish a report against the government’s decision. Moreover, there was conflict between the younger and older generations on the use of the Central Market. While the younger generation wanted a more modernized Central Market that catered to the needs of urban development, with shops in the market selling high-order goods and food, the older generation advocated for the preservation of older elements of the market, and called for the construction of a shared space within the market as well.

(iii) The Lived Space

The cultural landscape of Central Market today has now been completely transformed with the overlapping creation of environmental, social and cultural spaces.

Firstly, Central Market has been transformed into an Urban Green Oasis. Located in the heart of the city's Central Business District (CBD) region, the incorporation of various elements such as green landscaping in public areas, green boulevards with 400 plants in white cubes lining the 24-hour access corridors, use of green partitions with bamboos plants instead of walls help to create a green leisure space where office workers and citizens alike can relax in nature and have a brief escape from the hustle and bustle of city life.

Secondly, Central Market has been transformed into a Shared Community Space, with the vision of being a "Playground for All" that can meet the needs of different members of the community. Photogenic spots such as the iconic Red and Brass Egg Lights cater to the needs of both young and old visitors alike to snap attractive photos for social media and be reminiscent about the good old memories of the market. (See Fig 4 and 5) Souvenir stores selling antique furniture and trinkets, chic cocktail bars with drinks named after the nicknames of market vendors such as "Butcher Wing" and "Fishmonger Shing" balance the need for preserving historical traces and providing new business opportunities for small local brands simultaneously.

Fig 4 and 5: The iconic Red and Brass Egg Lights (taken from the site)

Thirdly, Central Market has also been transformed into a Multi-purpose Event Space for cultural activities. A 2500 ft open atrium at the heart of the building provides a flexible platform for hosting various cultural activities, forums, exhibitions and performances. Examples include street photography tours, sketching tours, guided historical tours of Central Market, yoga workshops as well as live- performances by emerging local artists for all citizens to enjoy.

4. Conclusion

“Playground for All” aimed to create an approachable, energetic and gregarious space that preserved the memories of the past while bringing in new elements of interactive play for its visitors, while the concept of shared community space had the goal of creating a Central Market that showcased its architecture, culture, art and exhibitions, all while incorporating daily life design into its common spaces. While the younger generation wanted a more modernized Central Market that catered to the needs of urban development, with shops in the market selling high-order goods and food, the older generation advocated for the preservation of older elements of the market, and called for the construction of a shared space within the market as well. It is recommended that Central Market should recover more traditional and original building for modern utilization. For example, the stall in the market can be directly rented to new shops now, instead of simply for exhibition. Moreover, more activities suitable for all veneers should be held in the ‘Playground for All’ to maximize its function as bridging between different veneers.

Reference

Central Market 中環街市. (2021). Central Market. https://www.centralmarket.hk/tc/blueprint

Conservation. (2021). Central Market. https://www.centralmarket.hk/tc/conservation

Event calender. (2021). Central Market. https://www.centralmarket.hk/tc/event-calendar

Figure 1:Revitalised Central Market under the scheme of "Conserving Central. (2021) by Candice Chau/HKFP. https://hongkongfp.com/2021/08/26/hong-kongs-central-market-comes-back-to-life-but-conservationist-takes-issue-with-gentrification/

Figure 2: Comparison of the third and fourth generation of Central Market. (2021) by HK Man

https://gwulo.com/atom/18569

History timeline. (2021). Central Market. https://www.centralmarket.hk/tc/history-timeline

SYMEDIALAB新傳網. (2017, December 1). 【亦文亦書】中環街市，何去何從？. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7FKSOgyHoDU&feature=youtu.be

T. (2017, September 27). 昔日的中環街市. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WRe9Q2yT3sM&feature=youtu.be

何., & 劉. (2020, August 12). 大坑戰前唐樓上海批盪復修 留住消失中的建築工藝. 明周文化. https://www.mpweekly.com/culture/%E4%B8%8A%E6%B5%B7%E6%89%B9%E7%9B%AA-%E4%BF%9D%E8%82%B2-%E5%A4%A7%E5%9D%91%E7%AC%AC%E4%BA%8C%E5%B7%B7-155066#:%7E:text=%E4%B8%8A%E6%B5%B7%E6%89%B9%E7%9B%AA%E6%98%AF%E5%BB%BA%E7%AF%89,%E5%A1%97%E4%B8%80%E5%B1%A4%E6%B2%B9%E6%BC%86%E9%9B%A3%E4%BB%A5%E6%AF%94%E6%93%AC%E3%80%82

市. (2021a). 中環街市. 項目 - 保育活化 - 市區重建局 - URA. https://www.ura.org.hk/tc/project/heritage-preservation-and-revitalisation/central-market

當. (2021b, September 6). 中環街市活化重開 舊建築回顧香港歷史. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wq0uh39WxgI&feature=youtu.be

老. (2021c, October 7). 中環街市照片集～歷史的變遷. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nKVkmezKOkQ&feature=youtu.be

評. (2021d, August 23). 等了近二十年的中環街市活化. 香港01. https://www.hk01.com/01%E8%A7%80%E9%BB%9E/667331/%E7%AD%89%E4%BA%86%E8%BF%91%E4%BA%8C%E5%8D%81%E5%B9%B4%E7%9A%84%E4%B8%AD%E7%92%B0%E8%A1%97%E5%B8%82%E6%B4%BB%E5%8C%96

王. (2009). 多重的辯證列斐伏爾空間生產概念三元組演繹與引申. 地理學報, (55), 2009. https://www-airitilibrary-com.easyaccess2.lib.cuhk.edu.hk/Publication/alDetailedMesh?DocID=04945387-200904-200907150044-200907150044-1-24

明. (2021). 中環街市曾被稱為中央市場.明報副刊. https://m.facebook.com/hkmingpaofeature/photos/pcb.1762709830590613/1762708410590755/?type=3&source=49

Chau, C. (2021, August 27). Hong Kong's Central Market comes back to life but conservationist takes issue with 'gentrification'. Hong Kong Free Press HKFP. https://hongkongfp.com/2021/08/26/hong-kongs-central-market-comes-back-to-life-but-conservationist-takes-issue-with-gentrification/.

(香港在消失ing) HK Man. (2009, December 3). 中環 - 皇后大道中. Flickr. https://www.flickr.com/photos/old-hk/4156000157/.

A study of Sham Shui Po’s spaces and cultures using spatial triad

1.         Introduction

The unique neighbourhood culture in Sham Shui Po (SSP), one of the poorest districts in Hong Kong, has gained our interest. Despite the fact that Hong Kong is a well-developed financial city, SSP exists in Hong Kong as a slum with more than 25% population living under the poverty line¹. Besides, it is the location where new immigrants, South Asians and local residents live together, leading to more collision between their own distinguishable culture and traces. Most underprivileged people in this region have to struggle for a living; therefore, their living style is more down-to-earth and goal-oriented without much leisure. However, it has been observed that more hipsters are interested in setting up their own business in this old town which is a peculiar deviation from the traditional culture of practicality of SSP residents. As a result, we have conducted research to probe into some questions that we found intriguing from SSP.

2.         Cultural Geographical Perspective in Use

Our investigation revolves around the following research question: How did the residential and economic identities of Sham Shui Po change drastically behind the corresponding battle of powers? Is the recent trend healthy for Sham Shui Po?

Economic traits, as sellers and consumers of a region, largely reflect the values and cultures of the residents. This correlation is especially conspicuous when there is an opportunity to revolutionise an economy, i.e. when SSP faced industrial depression. To compare the differences in economic characteristics in SSP over the last few decades, Lefebvre’s spatial triad is applied to examine how various stakeholders and events during the process result in such a drastic turnaround.

The spatial triad theory is composed of 3 components: spatial practise, representations of space, and representational spaces (Figure 1).

l   Spatial space is the use of space and everyday actions.

l   Representations of space are the conceptualised space created by making maps, plans and models.

l   Representational spaces are passively experienced spaces created by images and symbols, making the world understandable, which means new creation.

Figure 1. An illustration of the spatial triad²

The spatial triad renders a framework to investigate the phenomena involving the domination of authoritative power and the confrontation of resisting power, which in turn bring forth the economic altercation that gives SSP a brand new image to the general public. On the other hand, it allows comparisons of the residents’ opinions and perceptions on the respectively old and new traces. Thus, we can particularly analyse how the new representational spaces impact SSP citizens.

3.         Empirical Analysis

Representation of space in Sham Shui Po

Despite the rich culture that Sham Shui Po encompasses today, it was originally conceived simply to be a residential area. In the 40s, Sham Shui Po was a coastal region, whose residents engaged in agriculture, specializing in fishing, farming and trading (Figure 2). These made SSP a stable community with a low cost of living. Soon, many people fled to this place from mainland China due to the civil war, causing a housing shortage. Hence, many unauthorised and dangerous houses were built to accommodate the increased population, while tang lou (唐樓) continued to fill the region tightly. However, fires in1953 destroyed the residences of numerous people in the community, thus urging the government to construct public housing to settle the homeless. Therefore, public housing and tang lou made up the residential traces of SSP, which stemmed from the commercial nature of agricultural products.

Figure 2. Sham Shui Po as an agricultural centre in the past³

Besides the housing shortage, the skyrocketed population decreased job opportunities due to labour surplus⁴. As most immigrants were low-skilled and poor people, they adapted to working or selling products as hawkers on roadside booths owing to affordable set-up costs. Regulation on hawkers was loose as the British government regarded it as welfare for the poor. Thus, roadside booths allowed hawkers to travel freely to reach the most crowded destinations and generate the most revenue. This trace is still preserved in modern SSP but in a more organised form. Financially challenged groups still have a strong demand for cheap electronic gadgets and other daily necessities from hawkers such as Apliu street. This remains as one of the prominent old traces of SSP even when the region has already changed drastically. Overall, the spatial practice of close neighbourhood and low-end stores and booths illustrated hospitality and down-to-earth lifestyle as its sense of place for SSP.

Representational space in SSP

However, the historical context has led to dramatic changes in the lived space of SSP. In the 1980s, China’s reform and opening-up led to the relocation of factories from Hong Kong to mainland China; the manufacturing industry in HK thus sank into atrophy. Although the retailing industry took over some spared roadside booths, the number of stalls was still in surplus. Therefore, rent in SSP was much lower than most other places in Hong Kong. In 2010, the emergence of cultural and creative businesses encouraged many young people to venture into the industry. Though they lacked capital, SSP was the perfect place for them as rent was much more affordable, while stall owners were enthusiastic to accommodate new tenants after decades of vacancy. This led to a paradigm shift in the economic composition of SSP, from low-end retailing shops to high-end stores like luxe coffee shops and boutiques. Consequently, many consortia, who valued profit maximisation instead of hospitality, began to invest in high-end private residential buildings in SSP.

However, in contrast to the British government, roadside booths and hawkers have become illegal under Hong Kong law after complaints from the business sector and cross-district citizens due to unfair competition and blockage of narrow streets. The government has launched several policies to suppress hawkers, including Public Health and Municipal Services Ordinance, Hawker Regulation and stricter patrol, pushing SSP to a new stage in viewing representations of space.

The government, new entrepreneurs and consortia were the absolute dominating powers in this power struggle. The poor and indigenous SSP hawkers, store owners and residents, being the resisting powers, could only offer limited confrontation to impede the rising cost of rent and housing. Residents and hawkers mainly lived in poverty; they had to work relentlessly to support the basic expenditure of survival needs; whereas the old shop owners valued hospitality and serving the underprivileged neighbourhood more than profit maximisation. They did not have the time, socio-economic status and bargaining power to resist the transitions faced.

Optimistically, the emergence of new cultural business and private housing, together with governmental intervention, did not eliminate the old traces and cultures. The introduction of high-end entities was not appealing to the poor residents of SSP. Stores and hawkers that sell cheap everyday products are still heavily relied on by impoverished residents, who are reluctant to move away from their current flats in tang lou. Hence, SSP remains one of the poorest regions in Hong Kong⁵. These old features are still standing today and remain characteristic of this region by the general public.

Spatial practice in SSP

Hence, the current mixture of low-end and high-end traces can be viewed as a phase of gentrification in this perceived space⁶ (Figure 3). Old traces still exist today but are fading away; for example, many old residential buildings have been demolished and replaced by new ones. Hawkers can only become active at midnight since the government chooses to take a blind eye during the desolate period of the day. Concurrently, freshly created graffiti and the Jockey Club Creative Arts Centre have brought art culture to this conservative place, whereas new cafes and creative businesses have widened the scope of goods and services provided in SSP.

Figure 3: the combination of old and new traces in SSP⁷

However, the trend of gentrification hasn’t shown signs of slowing down. Ongoing gentrification may eventually eradicate all cheaper shops and raise the price index. Underprivileged residents may have no choice but move to even poorer districts attributable to the unaffordable cost of living. Moreover, SSP will lose its originality when its old indigenous traces are removed, becoming similar to other highly developed districts.

4.         Conclusion

This study aims at using Lefebvre’s spatial triad to analyse the change of economic traces in Sham Shui Po. It is found that the advent of hipsters’ stores is due to a series of factors that correlate to each other. First, the diminishing manufacturing industry provides more vacant sites for the entry of hipsters. The vacant sites further decreased the rental price in Sham Shui Po, attracting hipsters with the scarce financial power to enter. Eventually, it contributes to the present gentrification in Sham Shui Po, where traces collide frequently.

 

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(6)  What are gentrification and displacement? Urban Displacement. (2021, November 3). Retrieved November 22, 2021, from https://www.urbandisplacement.org/about/what-are-gentrification-and-displacement/. 

(7)  Ng, C. F. (2021). The combination of old and new traces in SSP [Photograph].

1.  Introduction

Formerly a cotton mill (Nan Fung Cotton Mills), The Mills itself is a cultural trace and an integral part of Hong Kong history for it: 1) reflects Hong Kong’s workclass culture and Hongkongers’ can-do spirit in the past; 2) witnesses Hong Kong’s first and second economic transformations. The Mills was revitalised into a design hub in 2018, which inevitably redefined some of the original traces and cultural implication of this place. In light of this, this paper will examine how the renovation has reshaped the space of The Mills from a cultural geography perspective with the aid of the Spatial Triad model proposed by Henri Lefebvre (1991).

2.  Cultural Geography Perspectives in Use

Cultural geography defines a place as the conglomeration of all traces in that space, and traces are created through the intersections of geographical contexts and culture (See Figure 1). Without traces, a place would lose its identity and become a non-distinguished space. In other words, traces bestow upon a place its unique meaning.

 

Figure 1. Relationship between geographical contexts, culture, traces and place (Anderson, 2015)

Renovation of The Mills has transformed the geographical contexts and culture, and thus the traces, of this place. Transformation of the traces necessitate a change in the cultural landscape of The Mills. Lefebvre’s Spatial Triad will be adopted as an analytical model to examine such change. Lefebvre’s (1991) Spatial Triad entails three constituents: spatial practice, representation of space and representational space. In this report, these three constituents are conceptualised in Table 1:

Table 1: Lefebvre’s Spatial Triad Model (Lefebvre, 1991; Wang, 2009)

Lefebvre’s model is well-suited for analysing how The Mills was and is used before and after revitalisation (spatial practice); how The Mills is regulated by its dominating power (representation of space); and how traces of The Mills are preserved after the revitalisation (representational space).  Collectively, the three spaces encapsulate how the cultural landscape of The Mills is transformed by its revitalisation.

3. Empirical Analysis

3.1. Representation of Space

Representation of space is defined as “conceptualized space, the space of scientists, planners, urbanists, technocratic subdividers and social engineers” (Lefebvre 1991, 38). From this we could see how the authorities adopt a system of signs and codes to organise and direct spatial relations.

3.1.1 Government as a Dominating Power

The government is a dominating power of this space by providing incentives and the framework of revitalization for developers to encourage them to transform or create new uses of the industrial buildings. For safety and reasonable space planning, the government promotes a plan for revitalization.

In 2018, Hong Kong government restarted the revitalization of industrial buildings, accepting applications from owners to modify entire industrial buildings with a building age of 15 years or more and exempting land lease waiver fees (HK Government [Gov], 2018). On the other hand, the government requires an additional condition that 10% of the floor area will be used for government-designated purposes (Gov, 2018). In the case of The Mills, a floor is used for a free exhibition which shows the cultural traces from Hong Kong's textile industry. Also, developers are required to widen the permitted uses of buffer floors to facilitate the partial conversion of industrial buildings lower than buffer floors for non-industrial uses (Gov, 2018). The 4th floor of The Mills, which was originally used as a buffer floor, has now been used as a venue for conferences and lectures.

3.1.2 Property Developer as a Dominating Power

The property developer, Nan Fung Group, is another dominating power of this space. We are able to indicate an interesting conflict of powers between the property developer and the government. Despite Nan Fung Group being legal owner of the Mills, it has to comply with the rules and regulations laid down by the government. During our site-visit, we examine how Nan Fung Group employs different soft-line measures to classify users of space. First, we notice that public parks and exhibition halls are located on the upper floors, so that visitors would have to pass by different stores before assessing these free public spaces (See Figure 2). This is a common practice to stimulate consumerism. Besides, artistic and historical elements have been integrated into the products sold in The Mills. For instance, clothing stores are stationed at the entrance of the textile exhibition, as if the products sold in these stores are given a sense of historicity, thus creating an illusion that consumers are purchasing products that embed greater and higher values, not just merely garments.

Figure 2. Route by which visitors access public space in The Mills (The Mills, n.d.)

3.2. Spatial Practice

Spatial practice “embraces production and reproduction, and the particular locations and spatial sets characteristic of each social formation” (Lefebvre 1991, 33), mediating between the conceived and the live, and keeping representations of space and representational space together, yet apart (Merrifield, 2000). Spatial practices before and after the revitalisation of The Mills are significantly different and thus will be discussed separately.

3.2.1 Spatial Practice before Revitalisation

Before the revitalisation, three users of this space were involved: the Nan Fung Group, workers of Nan Fung Cotton Mills and movie crews.

Nan Fung Group

Nan Fung Group’s founder Chen Din Hwa fled to Hong Kong due to the Chinese Civil War in the 1940s-1950s. During his stay in Hong Kong, he realized that Hong Kong has limited large, flat lands, meaning Hong Kong is well-suited for light industry like the textile industry. Due to the coincidence of these geographical contexts, Mr. Chen founded Nan Fung Cotton Mills in 1954.

Workers

Workers of Nan Fung Cotton Mills started their activities in this space after the operation of The Mills in 1956. During the 1960s-1970s, the textile industry developed rapidly. Cotton Mills reached peak production as high as 3000 million cotton per year during that time, making them the production leader of cotton in Hong Kong. However, textile industry in Hong Kong has declined after the 1970s due to economic reform in China, forcing the Cotton Mills 4,5 and 6 to shut down in 2008. Workers’ activities in this space have hence stopped.

Workers

As the textile industry declined, Cotton Mills 1,2 and 3 were vacant in the 1990s. These mills were used for filming a movie Lifeline and were demolished afterwards.

3.2.2 Spatial Practice after Revitalisation

During our site-visit, we locate six major users within The Mills, including local businesses, charitable groups, local and foreign artists, shoppers with high consumption power, users of the public space and key opinion leaders (KOLs). The interactions between users are influenced by the power balance between classes. The authorities implement policies which structure the uses of space. Figure 3 indicates the relationship between users.

Figure 3. Relationships between different users of The Mills

Property Developer & Government

The property developer and the government are the dominating powers capable of constructing and redefining the meanings of space. The former aims at profit maximization but is restricted by the rules and regulations laid down by the latter. As a result, the developer has to adopt soft-line measures in order to generate more profits by engaging high-end local businesses. On the other hand, the developer still has to reserve a considerable amount of public space for charitable groups and artists. Hence, The Mills also serves as a platform for certain exhibitions and showcases.

High-end Local Businesses & Shoppers

High-end local businesses utilise tactical branding strategies of repackaging high-priced goods with an aesthetic shopping experience. Hence, shoppers with high consumption power are attracted to this place (See Figure 4), including but not limited to: holiday shoppers, one-time shoppers and tourists. Given that The Mills mainly offer high-priced goods and supply of daily necessities is limited, this group is, self-explanatorily, the product of space planning by the property developer.

Figure 4. High-end businesses and shoppers in The Mills (Source: The Mills)

Users of the Public Space

The gap created by government regulations provides space for users of the public space. This could include citizens from all walks of life, they take advantage of the free service and space in The Mills without having to spend or consume (See Figure 5). In practice, there is only a limited flow of shoppers with high consumption power, most of the visitors are users of the public space. As a result, most businesses in The Mills close early to reduce costs. This phenomenon reflects the findings of Michel de Certeau in The Practice of Everyday Life, where he notes that when there is an absence or a gap of authoritative power, the weaker groups could utilise the previously defined space and transfer it into their own space.

Figure 5. Users of the public space in The Mills (Source: Site-visit)

Key Opinion Leaders & Media

The last group of users encapsulates the artistic side of The Mills as well as its commercial practice, they are the key opinion leaders (KOLs), or the media in general. They are actively advancing a consumerist culture, such as promoting cool shopping spots or instagrammable cafes in The Mills. Its historical background is only a superficial coat used to stimulate consumer spending.

3.3. Representational Space

However, Sessions 1 and 2.2 have revealed that The Mills currently is not only purposed for production. It is positioned as a space for conservation by the government, and a space for commerce and consumerism by the developers, businesses and shoppers. This session will cover how The Mills preserves old and acquires new traces and how these traces give rise to the multi-purpose nature of The Mills.

3.3.1 The Mills as a Space for Production

The Mills preserve one of its most important traces – textile production – by organising regular creative workshops where participants can make their own textile products.

Interestingly, The Mills acquired new traces relevant to production after its revitalisation. The rooftop of the building features a planting zone for agricultural purposes and artistic creation. There are also designated zones for entrepreneurs to share ideas (The Mills, n.d.).

From these creative activities, it is observed that The Mills retains its production purpose after revitalisation, but the scope of production is no longer limited to textile products.

3.3.2 The Mills as a Space for Production

To conserve historicity of the place, the developers attempted to transform tangible traces of Nan Fung Cotton Mills by endowing them new uses. Such traces witness the evolution of The Mills and give us a glimpse in how it looked before revitalisation.

A case in point is the sand buckets. Firefighting system and equipment was limited back in the days. Hence, sand buckets were used to extinguish fire. After revitalisation, sand buckets are now hung on direction signs, welcoming visitors and reminding them of the history of this place (See Figure 6). From this example, it can be observed that traces could never be decontextualised from the geographical context they are in. Despite being as physically intact as it was prior to the revitalisation of The Mills, the sand bucket is now endowed with a purpose (welcoming visitors) different than before (putting out fire).

Figure 6. Transformation of the sand bucket (Source: The Mills)

With that said, transformed traces may not necessarily accurately represent The Mills before its revitalisation. We observe that numerous fashion brands open business in The Mills. Such traces are largely capitalistic and consumerist by nature, the polar opposite to the working-class culture that Nan Fung Cotton Mills used to represent.

As aforementioned, a place is defined as the conglomeration of traces in that space. As the traces in The Mills are transformed, its space must have been endowed with a new purpose accordingly. The rise of fashion brands in The Mills indicates its transition from a space for production to a space for consumerism and commerce.

3.3.3 The Mills as a Space for Consumerism and Commerce

As previously mentioned in Session 2.2, The Mills usually feature high-end businesses targeted at shoppers with high purchasing power. Such use of space is incongruent with the workclass culture Nan Fung Cotton Mills used to represent and contradicts with the conservation purpose of The Mills. This calls back to Session 2.2 again where different users of the space tried to struggle for seizing the control of The Mills and transforming it to their favor with their actions. The struggle among these parties ultimately precipitates the multi-faceted yet contradictory nature of The Mills: it is simultaneously a space for conservation and commerce.

3.3.4 The Mills as a Trace of Hong Kong

Nan Fung Cotton Mills can be seen as a trace of Hong Kong as it embodied workclass culture and the development of Hong Kong’s textile industry. After revitalisation, The Mills remained a trace of Hong Kong. However, it is no longer localised to represent the development of Hong Kong’s textile industry only. The Mills’ transition from a space for production to a space for consumerism and commerce comes with two implications: 1) it embodies Hong Kong’s transition from being secondary-sector-heavy to tertiary-sector-heavy; 2) it witnesses women empowerment in Hong Kong (i.e. main female users of the space change from workers to consumers).

Conclusion

This paper examines how the cultural landscape of The Mills is transformed with its traces. Despite the developer’s attempt at preserving traces of Nan Fung Cotton Mills, they may not accurately represent the cultural landscape of the place before revitalisation faithfully. The Mills also acquired new traces as a result of different parties struggling to dominate its space. The combination of new and old traces collectively bestowed upon The Mills production, conservation and commercial purposes.

References

Anderfson, J. (2015) Understanding cultural geography: places and traces (2^nd ed.). New York, NY: Routledge.

Hong Kong Government. (2018, October 10). The Chief Executive’s 2018 Policy Address. https://www.policyaddress.gov.hk/2018/chi/pdf/PA2018.pdf

Lefebvre, H. (1991). The Production of Space (Vol.142). Blackwell: Oxford.

Merrifield, A. (2000). Henri Lefebvre: A socialist in space. In M. Crange & N. Thrift (Eds.), Thinking space (pp. 167–182). London, England: Routledge.

The Mills (n.d.). CHAT Shop. https://www.themills.com.hk/en/shopfloor-shop/chat-shop/

The Mills. (n.d.) Green Ladies & Green Little. https://www.themills.com.hk/en/shopfloor-shop/green-ladies-green-little/

The Mills. (n.d.) Introduction of Fabrica. https://www.themills.com.hk/en/fabrica/introduction/

The Mills. (n.d.) Revitalization & Heritage. https://www.themills.com.hk/en/about-the-mills/heritage/

王志弘（2009）。多重的辯證列斐伏爾空間生產概念三元組演繹與引申。地理學報，(55)，1-24。doi:10.6161/jgs.2009.55.01

 

Figure 1. The ‘ideal’ planning of Kwun Tong Town Centre Redevelopment Project (Photo by URA)

1. Introduction 

Advantages and disadvantages of Kwun Tong Town Centre Redevelopment are examined in this project. It is the largest-scaled redevelopment plan in Hong Kong which has covered over 570000 square feet of territory in Kung Tong (Fandom, 2004). Therefore, it deserves public attention. The Kwun Tong Town Centre could be seen as a cultural trace because it records Kwun Tong’s original residents’ usual lives. Due to lack of maintenance, outdated city plan and poor environmental hygiene, the government proposed to redevelop this city and thus give rise to this redevelopment plan (URA, 2011). In the followings, spatial triad, which includes spatial practice, representation of space and representational space, and stakeholders’ perspectives will be used to analyze the advantages and disadvantages of Kwun Tong Town Centre Redevelopment.

2. Cultural Geographical Perspective in Use 

Henri Lefebvre (1991)’s spatial triad is being used to investigate how the Kwun Tong Town Centre Redevelopment Project has aroused several conflicts among different stakeholders. 

According to Lefebvre (1991), spatial triads provide a framework for us to understand the three elements that essential in producing space (Figure 2). It contains: 

·          Spatial practice: the daily routines and usage of social space

·          Representation of space: correlated to the relations of production and ‘order’; involves those in power on space design and urban planning, e.g. urbanist, social engineers, and government

·          Representational spaces: people who directly live in the space, regarded as ‘users’ or ‘inhabitants’, embodies complex symbolisms regarding personal feelings and daily habitus

Figure 2: The illustration of Lefebvre (1991)’s spatial triad

To explain more, the above figure shows that spatial practice, the representation of space and representational space interact with each other and constitute the produced social space. The Kwun Tong Town Centre Redevelopment was initially promoted by the government aimed at improving the living space in Kwun Tong in various perspectives, including housing, traffic, and public utilities, etc.. However, during the years-long redevelopment progress, the representation of space (government and URA) is in conflict with the representational space (local Kwun Tong citizens), the difference in values among these two stakeholders will be examined further in the empirical analysis part.

3. Empirical Analysis 

In the former spatial practice, there exist natural, social and spiritual needs of local residents, workers and travelers. To resolve pre-existing or newly emerging needs, the government launched the Kwun Tong Redevelopment project, which provides Kwun Tong with new representations of space. Eventually, residents and facility users in Kwun Tong experience a tremendous change in the way they live, showing the formation of a new representational space with profound advantages.

First and foremost, the poor living standard in Kwun Tong is an urgent and severe issue that needs huge improvement. Kwun Tong’s long development history results in aged and worn-out buildings with water leakages, windows loosening and even concrete cracking（市區重建局 影片集, 2011）. Pornography industries are found due to inadequate monitoring and management. The old Tong Lau is also unsanitary with excrement of humans and animals, and lacks fire‑fighting equipment and elevators (市區重建局, 2011). Hence, the unsatisfying hygiene situation and living environment threaten the safety of residents and pedestrians. The social need for a better living environment in the past spatial practice resulted in the clearance of aged Tong Lau and construction of new private residential buildings, namely Park Metropolitan and Grand Central, which provides comfortable and safe housing estates. As a consequence, the living quality and safety of citizens can be enhanced.

Next, the necessity of industrial transformation in Kwun Tong calls for the implementation of the redevelopment plan. Owing to the decline of local industries and increase of residents, Kwun Tong is no longer a prosperous industrial district, but mainly a residential area. The social needs for economic development foster the redevelopment of the industrial areas for building shopping and commercial areas. The Tertiary Industry and service Industry such as Yue Man Square eventually developed and substituted the past manufacturing Industry, thus enhancing the local economy and achieving industrial upgrading （港mall專題, 2021）. In the meantime, it is worth noticing that the economic growth compromise with residents’ request for retaining original l stores and local hawkers by renting out shops and stalls in shopping malls to local tenants at a reasonable price, reflecting the balance achieved between social-economic benefits and citizens’ psychosocial needs for collective memory and neighbour relations（WangBertha, 2018）.

Moreover, the town planning of Kwun Tong is outdated. Kwun Tong aimed to serve fifty thousand people in the 1950s, yet the usage has increased to a million now. This makes the carrying capacity overloaded and causes social problems such as traffic congestion, overcrowding and improper walking environment（市區重建局,2021）. Companies complained that incompetent transportation in the district reduced logistic efficiency, while citizens suggested that insufficient barrier-free access and facilities together with narrow sidewalks pose inconvenience and danger to pedestrians. Therefore, by modification works on transport systems and traffic and construction of a novel Yue Man Square Public Transport Interchange in the representations of space, social needs in the previous spatial practice are expected to be solved （香港道路大典, 2004）. In the end, a new representational space forms with improved transport efficiency and safety.
In addition, Kwun Tong has insufficient public facilities such as public toilets and accessible facilities（市區重建局, 2011）. Owing to the massive population in Kwun Tong, various social facilities are added after the redevelopment. For instance, enhancing communication between citizens and Mother Nature, greening and leisure areas satisfy citizens’ needs in natural space（文化研究@嶺南,2007）. The community health centre also provides space for recreational activities and socialization, which fulfil residents’ social needs. Indeed, numerous residents rest and interact there in the new representational space, successfully revitalizing the district.

Redevelopment is an effective way to alleviate issues in Kwun Tong. Besides solving the root problems, it also improves the ventilation, increases cultural recreations and promotes greening of the city（市區重建局,2021）. The quality of life and financial condition of citizens is enhanced. 

However, conflicts between stakeholders exist that some original residents and merchants are reluctant to accept the redevelopment scheme（香港電台, n.d.）.

From the view of the original merchants, they have owned their shop for years, and have built up a strong relationship with their business and local residents（香港01, 2021）. This is hard for them to move out from their habitat. Although they are compensated by the government, the compensation standard is ambiguous（香港電台, n.d.）. Even if they get the preference to allocate in the new shopping malls, they must pay for expensive rent and maintenance fees. Besides, shopping malls consist of complicated regulations such as opening time, and merchants have less freedom than before. The change of shopping mode also leads to succession of customers, which makes their business uncertain（hket, 2021）. Some of the unlicensed merchants have nowhere to continue their business. Multifactor makes them unable to continue their work.

 

From the perspective of the original residents, the construction of shopping malls reduces their purchasing power. The succession from multiple merchants into high-class chain stores in shopping malls makes the local business homogenous（文化研究@嶺南, 2007）. The price of goods no longer matches the income of the residents. Although building new shopping malls speeds up economic development, the living of the underprivileged goes worse.

 

Redevelopment undoubtedly solved physical problems, but it also broke down the social linkage in Kwun Tong between not only merchants and residents but also the sense of belonging and people’s impression. Redevelopment acts as hegemony and changes the original traces such as from cheap products to materialism and historical buildings to new shopping malls. Its appearance is not as before, and it is less distinguishable from others.

In conclusion, space is ever-evolving in a dynamic and coherent way. Different spatial needs result in reconstruction and representations of space, which in turn leads to a novel representational space, eventually producing new spatial needs. This indefinite circulation of spatial creation and reconstruction give rise to different cultures, traces and geographical landscapes with their beauty and art to behold (Figure 3).

Figure 3: Transformation of the Kwun Tong Town Centre

4. Conclusion

In a nutshell, this group project has utilized the spatial practices of natural, social, and spiritual needs among Kwun Tong residents, workers and travelers to examine the advantages of redeveloping Kwun Tong Town Centre. Together with the theory of spatial triad, it is recognized that all the three elements including spatial practice, representation of space, and representational space, are indispensable in constructing the produced social space. For the advantages of redevelopment, in government and URA’s perspectives, the redevelopment projects can all increase the natural, social, and spiritual needs of the citizens by improving living standards, the urge of industrial transformation, better city planning, and enhancing public facilities.   However, an antagonistic relationship can also be found between the government and local citizens and merchants. The collision in values among the stakeholders have also affected the three elements of spatial triad impact and influence each other.

 

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覓至房. （2021年7月12日）. 〈凱滙第一期〉. 擷取自: https://www.richitt.com/grandcentralphase1/

曾曉玲. (2020年12月20日). 〈未來城市：觀塘塞車荒謬——點先有路走？〉. 《明報OL網》. 擷取自: https://ol.mingpao.com/ldy/cultureleisure/culture/20201220/1608402229462/%E6%9C%AA%E4%BE%86%E5%9F%8E%E5%B8%82-%E8%A7%80%E5%A1%98%E5%A1%9E%E8%BB%8A%E8%8D%92%E8%AC%AC-%E9%BB%9E%E5%85%88%E6%9C%89%E8%B7%AF%E8%B5%B0

Lefebvre, H. (1991). The production of space. Oxford: Blackwell.

 

Figure 1: photo of Tai Nan Street in Sham Shui Po (Photo by HL Tam)

1. Introduction

Sham Shui Po is one of the eighteen districts in Hong Kong, located in the northwest of the Kowloon Peninsula. Previously, Sham Shui Po always seemed to be synonymous with "poor" and "chaotic"(Figure 1). The main reason is that the poor environment makes the living cost there much lower, attracting more poor people to the site. In recent years, there have been some changes there - an increasing number of studios and art shops have opened, so it has become a popular destination for youths. This transformation has been particularly noticeable in Tai Nam Street, as the emergence of the art stores has dramatically changed the ecology of this community. This project focuses on whether “Gentrification” appears in Tai Nam Street, the target of most commercial activity, and its occurring process, and how the old and new spaces intermingle through Henri Lefebvre’s theory of spatial triad.

2. Theoretical Approach: Lefebvre’s Spatial Triad

The Spatial Triad is a model created by Henri Lefebvre, providing a framework to recognize the three elements of producing space, which are “representation of space”, “representational space”, and “special practice”. Representation of space is known as "conceived space", that is, space conceptualized in the intellectual community; representational space is that in the process of practice, spatial concepts/planning/regulations from knowledge/experience are used to guide the reproduction of space; spatial practice is referred as “perceived place”, which is the space that exists that can be perceived and measured. (陆舟，2018). The core of this theory of space is the spatialization of production and productive behavior. Human beings, serving as stakeholders, have moved from the "production of things in space" to the "production of space itself".

There are many stakeholders in Sham Shui Po, including the HKSAR Government, residents, new merchants, and tourists. All of them exert their own influence on Sham Shui Po, and their interactions have created some culture collisions and infusions. In our project, to conclude how current Tai Nam Street was produced, we must analyze all the stakeholders’ traces on this space respectively. We try to understand the effects from 1) the government’s plan for Sham Shui Po’s development, 2) people’s daily use of space, and 3) the way people eliminate conflicts when cultures collide. The table below (Figure 2) helps explain the meanings of the three elements of spatial triad and their applications in the situation of Sham Shui Po.

Figure 2: An illustration of Lefebvre’s Spatial Triad

3. Sham Shui Po as an Infusion of Old and New Cultures

What is the government’s role in shaping the change in Sham Shui Po, especially Tai Nan Street?

In the process of redeveloping Sham Shui Po, the government tried to follow the principle of “people-oriented”, being sustainable that preserving the existing advantages of life of the residents, not following the bull-dozing development which demolishes all the old areas（深水埗民間規劃，2008）. In 2018, the Commerce and Economic Bureau has formulated a plan to establish a design and fashion base in Sham Shui Po, taking advantage of the district's garment and fabric wholesale and retail hotspots there to create new synergies（香港特別行政區政府新聞公報，2018）. The replanning and reorganization of land use by the Urban Renewal Authority function to ameliorate the living environment of those residents, starting from infrastructure construction. The government hopes to stimulate development through such improvements（市區重建局，2021). From May to October 2021, Tai Nan Street was renovated under the supervision of the government. The purpose of this renovation was to enhance the overall image of Tai Nan Street in order to improve its commercial and residential value and cohesive business atmosphere. These moves by the government are undoubtedly an attempt and a guideline to have a good integration of the old and the new. The thoughts seeping through these actions taken by the government served as a guideline or template for subsequently developing Sham Shui Po into such a “conceived place”.

What do Sham Shui Po Residents do in Tai Nan Street?

Tai Nan Street has been known for its factories of producing fabrics, leather and accessories since the 20th century. Gentrification, a transformation of a poor urban area by wealthier people moving in, has become a social phenomenon in Tai Nan Street in recent years which has turned from industrial-orientated into art-based development. Due to the geographical advantage, it attracts different industries to operate their business in Tai Nan Street, such as hostels, cafes, workshops and even exhibitions. They utilize the historical background of the street to raise public awareness on what they are doing. For instance, a former young interior designer (the owner of WONTONMEEN) rented a flat in Tong lau to hold an exhibition about people’s living in Hong Kong in the 2000s and also as a hostel which can preserve Hong Kong culture in a fresh way.

The spatial practice of the new members in Sham Shui Po (the younger generation) are in contradiction with the aged local residents. Long-term residents who lived in Sham Shui Po for many years tend to earn a living by running traditional industries such as textiles and leather industries, go to local small restaurants which sell food at an affordable/ cheaper price and maintain good social ties with the neighborhood. Owing to the moving in of the new shops and young people, the younger generation tends to sell their products at a relatively higher price and operate new types of shops such as coffee shops and hostels which are completely different from the local residents.

How do people cope with the changes in Tai Nan Street?

In response to the government’s active participation in renovating and revitalising Sham Shui Po by urban renewal projects and various art activities, the Sham Shui Po residents organized protests and petition against urban renewal project and the Sham Shui Po Art Centre to express their opposition as they were worried about the increase in shop rent that is unaffordable for them and the phenomenon of gentrification. In addition, Sham Shui Po residents were afraid that the precious and unique local traditional culture in Sham Shui Po might disappear with the emergence of new shops such as coffee shops and studios selling $50 coffee and over $200 plates (Coredassp, 2021). Given the inevitable emergence of new shops, Sham Shui Po residents had no choice but to adapt to the new incoming culture. They attempted to share their experiences and skills with the younger generation and hoped to pass their skills on to the next generation.

On the other hand, It is against the younger generation’s wills when Tai Nan Street is gentrified because of their participation and it is also difficult for them to survive if the process of gentrification keeps happening. As the changes in Tai Nan Street were begun by the younger generation, they had inescapable responsibilities to preserve the traditional culture in Sham Shui Po by including representative local decorations in their design of shop, organizing workshops which invite Sham Shui Po residents and shop owners to teach citizens their techniques such as making galvanized iron products （廖清怡，2017）. They treasured the old culture and the traditional industries in Sham Shui Po, emphasizing cultural inheritance. They tried to bring in new cultures and energies to Sham Shui Po while conserving the old ones, blending the old and new.

Figure 3: An illustration of Lefebvre’s spatial triad and the conflicts between local residents and the young generation in Sham Shui Po

What are the results of the interactions between the old and new cultures?

New traces can be found in Sham Shui Po and Tai Nan Street demonstrating cultural infusion. First, the buildings and the gates of the old shops in Sham Shui Po are decorated with paintings and graffiti by local and overseas artists in 2016 (Hkwalls, 2022). It showed the combination of old buildings, old town and art and changed the old and decayed image of Sham Shui Po by adding colours and energy.

Second, an old shop selling leathers and leather products in Tai Nan Street named “Luen Cheong Leather” was renovated due to the incoming culture (Figure 4). The shop owner received inspiration from other new coffee shops and leather shops and therefore changed the interior design of their old shop while keeping the iconic and historical billboards and facade. It was converted from a leather shop to a multipurpose store which offers leather workshops and displays. The new culture brings in new ideas to the traditional industry in Sham Shui Po.

Figure 4: A photo of renovated Luen Cheong Leather (Photo retrieved from Facebook page 聯昌皮號 Luen Cheong Leather HK, Since 1948)

4. Conclusion

This study attempts to employ Lefebvre’s Spatial Triad to explain the interaction and changes in Sham Shui Po, especially in Tai Nan Street. Although the government tried to renovate Sham Shui Po by enhancing the commercial value through urban renewal project and art programs, the Sham Shui Po residents and the young generation could preserve the old cultures and combine the old and new cultures to counter the representations of space and the authority through cooperation such as skill transfer and experience sharing to slow down or halt the process of gentrification and replacement of culture.

References

^{Coredassp（2021年6月24日）。〈〈第三場：草根街坊有乜講？〉深水埗街坊對談錄—與其追究誰之責 不如尋條共生路？〉。社區互助發展行動。取自https://coredassp.wordpress.com/2021/06/24/%E3%80%88第三場：草根街坊有乜講？〉深水埗街坊對談錄/}

^{Hkwalls (2022). 2016 HKwalls Festival in Sham Shui Po. Retrieved from https://hkwalls.org/festivals/hkwalls-2016-sham-shui-po/}

^{Lefebvre, H. (1991). The production of space. B. Blackwell.}

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Figure 1. The wall of the Forbidden City, Beijing (Source: Tsz Yu YANG, 2022)

1. Introduction

Located in Beijing, China, the Forbidden City (Figure 2) is known as the largest and best-preserved wooden building complex in the world. For over 500 years, the palace served as the political capital of the feudal dynasties (Ming and Qing). However, after the breakdown of feudalism, it shifted into the Palace Museum in 1925 for tourist and preservation purposes. Due to the rise of social media platforms such as Weibo and Tik Tok, the museum promotes the Forbidden City online, attracting the younger generation for photoshoots and souvenirs. It is worth studying how the palace changed from an imperial region to a tourist attraction. In this project, we will investigate the research value of the Forbidden City and examine how contemporary Chinese cultural values affect the changing spatial function of the Forbidden City.

Figure 2. The Forbidden City.

(Source: Forbidden City: The Palace at the Heart of Chinese Culture, 2021)

2. Cultural Geographical Perspective on the Forbidden City

Our investigation is structured around the following question: What are the ways in which Geographical Characteristics (e.g. Centrality) maintains the Forbidden City's significant position after the functional transformation?

In the report, Centrality is applied in analyzing how the status of the Forbidden City is highlighted through its architectural features, geographical location, and historical significance. This theory is a classical location theory proposed by German geographer Walter Christaller. (Christaller, 1966) Central place in Centrality refers to the settlements that provide central functions for the surrounding settlements.  (Li, Liu & Qian, 2017)

The Forbidden City is situated at the center of the central axis of Beijing(北京中軸線), which is a hierarchical and orderly urban spatial complex that brings the most significant groups of Chinese buildings, historical landmarks, and sites since the 13th century. As the core of the city, the central axis expresses the traditional concept of order in Chinese civilization, from the scale and layout of the buildings to their decorative details, forming a pattern that unites the entire city.

Besides being a center of power and politics, the palace was also a place where hierarchy and ceremonial order were embodied. Due to its location at the space center, it developed the typical order of a Chinese urban space. In addition to being the center of the central axis (Figure 4), the Forbidden City is also Beijing's political center. Although the Forbidden City is no longer a political center and has turned into museum after feudalism broke down, it is still the cultural center of China (Figure 3).

Figure 3. Functional Transformation of The Forbidden City.

(Source: Yuet Ying Wong, 2022)

Figure 4. The Central axis of Beijing. (Source: Baidu Baike, N/A)

3. Empirical Analysis

3.1 The original features and functions of the Forbidden City

Considering architectural layout, the Forbidden City lies in the center of the central axis, with symmetrical left and right, and all buildings face south. According to its layout and functions, the Forbidden City is divided into two parts: the "outer court" and the "inner court", those are bounded by the boundary of Qianqingmen (乾清門).

The Forbidden City was built according to the traditional ritual system and the “Yin-Yang” and “Five-element principles,” with the aim of consolidating the emperor's centrality and awareness of "supremacy".

The symbol of imperial power

The interior architecture of the Forbidden City is full of symbols that symbolize the feudal class. For example, all buildings face due south to reflect the orthodoxy of the king of a country, "the south is king". The buildings are patchwork, high and low, aiming to highlight the class difference between the emperors and others. (Chan, 2014)

The Forbidden City uses a lot of red walls and yellow tiles. Red symbolizes good fortune while yellow symbolizes nobility. Yellow is also the exclusive color of ancient emperors, representing their supreme power. (Chan, 2014) The number of nails on the gate of the Forbidden City adopts "nine rows and nine columns,” to show the emperor's lofty status. (Figure 5.)

The internal architecture functionally reflects the hierarchy of feudal society, revealing the supreme thought of the emperor and demonstrating the majesty of the imperial power.

Figure 5. The Gate of Heavenly Purity. (Source: Wang, 2007)

3.2 Specific features of the Forbidden City

The Forbidden City is an important testimony to the economic prosperity, social development, and ethnic integration of the Chinese. As the imperial palace, the Forbidden City was a symbol of imperial power and the central zone of the feudal dynasty with a supreme status. It was also the ruling center where the feudal emperors issued their orders and a place for living luxuries.

However, the Forbidden City officially turned into the Palace Museum in 1925 (Figure 6), becoming the place for the collection, display and preservation of objects for cultural and educational purposes. (Pengyong, 2021) Its establishment transformed the Forbidden City, formerly a place where emperors lived, into a place where ordinary people could visit freely. The museums also transformed precious cultural relics, which were only for the emperor's enjoyment, into the commonwealth of the entire nation. As a result, the transformation of the Forbidden City from a political center of ancient imperial power to a museum symbolizes China's revolution.

By 1987, the Forbidden City was inscribed on the World Heritage List, which is the first Chinese heritage site to be included in this list. (Pengyong, 2021) In 2003, the National Palace Museum introduced "Palace Studies". Its introduction and establishment give impetus to the academic vision of the Palace. The expansion and deepening of research have facilitated further exploration of the history and culture of the Palace, as well as the comprehensive protection of the place. （Lin, 2020) Not only does it enable the public to understand the significance of the Palace's ancient architecture and its cultural treasures, but it also demonstrates the importance of the historical remains of the Palace. (Lin, 2020)

Figure 6. The Palace Museum. (Source: Lin, 2022)

3.3 Nationalism and the Modern Significance of the Forbidden City

The centrality of the Forbidden City gives it a strong symbolic significance both political and cultural. The rising nationalism of China is one of the factors leading to the transformation of the image of the Forbidden City, changing the palace from a symbol of feudal royalty to national pride. In the past decades, the Chinese government promoted the importance of traditional culture, which has gradually warmed up the nationalist sentiment, affecting the image of the Forbidden City in people's minds. In Xi Jinping’s political philosophy, the Confidence Doctrine guides people to be “confident in our culture” and achieves the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.  

The controversy of Starbucks in the Forbidden City branch in 2007 is an example displaying the rising nationalism and the transformation of the Forbidden City. In January 2007, Rui Chenggang, the host of CCTV, published an article "Invite Starbucks to go out of the Forbidden City" on his blog, attacking the branch of Starbucks Coffee in the palace, and asking it to move out. He claimed that Starbucks coffee was "the carrier and symbol of the inferior food culture in the United States", eroding Chinese culture in the palace. Starbucks eventually withdrew from the palace under the overwhelming media reports and the fierce reaction of netizens, indicating the inseparable relationship between the Forbidden City and the rising nationalism in recent decades - it is still the core of national culture and pride.

Located in the center of the capital, the Forbidden City has a higher status than other tourist attractions, it is also an irreplaceable symbol of traditional culture. The Forbidden City has attracted numerous Hanfu(the traditional Chinese dress) lovers to take photos on the spot, forming an industrial chain of clothing rental and photography. Through the imagination and yearning of modern young people for ancient life, the space function of the palace has changed from a stately royal site to a shooting spot, transforming the image of the Forbidden City from a negative feudal image to a positive cultural symbol.

 

3.4 The Forbidden City as the cultural center

Even though the Forbidden City no longer serves as a political capital and has become a museum after feudalism collapsed, it remains the main cultural center and a traditional symbol of China, influencing consumer culture and popular culture, especially on online platforms after the rise of the internet. Used to be a symbol of imperial power, the palace gives people a sense of supremacy in terms of architectural features, geographical location, and historical significance. While the cultural creative products from the palace have altered the impression of people by referring to the experience of the National Palace Museum in Taipei. The palace museum starts to integrate cultural heritage and fashion trends in their dedicated, Forbidden city-inspired souvenirs. Many emperors and imperial concubines have become the museum's inspiration for their derivative products. Ornaments, accessories, as well as palace-themed cosmetics, and a variety of products, have brought more spiritual enjoyment to the customers in the process of consumption and use while narrowing the distance between the "forbidden place" and the ordinary people. More people are fascinated by the Forbidden City culture with its historical value, which will help the inheritance of traditional culture and enrich the country's soft power while enhancing the promotion of consumer culture with cultural and economic benefits.

The Forbidden City has also become ubiquitous in both television works and internet trends. For instance, the two-drama series "Empresses in the Palace" and "Story of Yanxi Palace" (Figure 7) have had enormous success in promoting the culture of the Forbidden City with the phenomenon of "Internet celebrity". Nevertheless, the ice cellar of the Forbidden City, which was used to store ice in ancient times, has been converted into an internet celebrity restaurant in recent years. Visitors can have a unique experience in enjoying royal cuisine in the former royal ice cellar. The internalization of consumer culture has not only intertwined with the representation center of the Chinese traditional culture but also transformed the actual appearance of the Forbidden City.

Figure 7. Story of Yanxi Palace (Source: Sina, N/A)

4. Conclusion

With the lens of centrality, we examined how the geographic features of the Forbidden City make it unique, as well as how Chinese cultural values have influenced its spatial function in the modern age. Under contemporary cultures such as nationalism and consumer culture, the Forbidden City has shifted from being a political center to being a cultural center, and its functional role has also diverted from symbolizing the emperor system to being a symbol of ancient China's rich cultural heritage. It is believed that in the future, the appearance of the Forbidden City may change in accordance with diverse cultural changes.

References

Christaller, W. (1966). Central places in southern Germany (Vol. 10). Prentice-Hall.

Go inside Beijing's Forbidden City with lush images from this $995 book. Frommer's. (n.d.). Retrieved October 20, 2022, from https://www.frommers.com/blogs/passportable/blog_posts/go-inside-beijing-s-forbidden-city-with-lush-images-from-this-995-book

Lin, Louis. (2008). The Palace Museum. Flickr. Retrieved October 20, 2022, from

https://www.flickr.com/photos/louislin/2619738190/in/album-72157605866517996/

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Preston, R. E. (1970). Two centrality models. Yearbook of the Association of Pacific Coast             Geographers, 32(1), 59-78.

Zhou, Y., Zhang, L., & Wu, Y. (2001). Study of China’s urban centrality hierarchy. Areal                   Research and Development, 20(4), 1-5.

〈北京大雪：故宮前擠滿漢服美女集體追雪，雪季女性竟藏千萬元商機〉，《香港 01》，網址：https://www.hk01.com/%E5%A4%A7%E5%9C%8B%E5%B0%8F%E4，瀏覽日期：2022年10月16日。

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A Study of power transfer in Blue House through Structuralism and Poststructuralism

Foreword

Blue House is a 4-storey balcony-type tenement block located at Wan Chai, Hong Kong and is now classified as a Grade I historic building. Three of the buildings, No. 72, No. 72A and No. 74, are painted blue, therefore it is called "Blue House". Blue House is the first conservation project in Hong Kong that allows residents to stay at the original site under a new development plan. It is also the first example of government-led to community-led conservation project.

Figure 1. A view of Blue House (Source: Getty)

1. Introduction

The Blue House has a unique old-fashioned tenement terrace that preserves the upper house and lower shop's early twentieth-century form. As a result, it represents the traditional lifestyle of old Wan Chai. However, in 2006, the Urban Renewal Authority intended to reclaim all the residences and turn them into a new tourist attraction. This led to conflicts between different stakeholders. This project uses Cultural Geography theories to compare the value conflicts among different stakeholders and examines the changes in traces of the Blue House.

2. A Cultural Geographical Perspective on Blue House

Our investigation is structured around the following question: Are The Conservation Projects at Blue House Sustainable?

Sustainable development is development that meets the needs of the present, without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.

According to Foucault’s analysis of power, power is not completely controlled and holded by an institution or an individual. Neither particular social class nor group can oppress another by using power. Instead, it is circulated in different institutions and individuals without a fixed location. Power is operated as a network, power is used by organizations, on the other hand, power itself dominates in various conditions (Behrent, 2013). Not only do people implement the power, but they are also arranged under power. Power is everywhere and comes from everywhere (Moghadam, Rafieian, 2019). There may be struggles among different stakeholders in the community in political and economic aspects, while strategies are used by stakeholders to transfer the power from one institution to another, which is named as technologies. As a result, power is circulated as a network.

3. Empirical Analysis

3.1 Conflicting values of different stakeholders

To begin with, from the perspective of the government, they are mainly focusing on pushing local economics and emphasizing market value. Therefore, the government released the “Blue House Develop Project” in order to achieve capitalism and consumerism. Developing new tourist spots is one of their goals through the project, which has tea and medicine as the theme. This could effectively appeal to more tourists to come visit the Blue House and consume in various stores, so as to increase the economic revenue and boost tourism. However, Urban Renewal Authority intended to repossess all dwellings in 2006, which is forcing the residents to leave. 30 households planned to be selected for off-site resettlement and compensation, then the government would start the repairs and alterations on Blue House. In this case, we can see that the government is the power giver and forcing residents to follow their policy or ways, while residents are controlled by power. Thus, this provoked objections and major repercussions from residents since the government's values are different from them.

To link up the point above, from the perspective of Blue House residents, they are generally focusing on a sense of local community and community identity. Based on geography, the objects of human interaction are mostly those who live nearby. They might have similar living styles and habits, thus building a strong bond with neighbors and a deep community network which makes them feel that they belong to the community. Yet, a sense of identity and belonging needs to cultivate for a long time. Hence, if Blue House residents are forcibly evicted, they might not be willing to adapt to the new environment and lifestyle due to the long-term residence in this community.

Moreover, from the perspective of nearby residents, they are largely focusing on maintaining community networks and intangible culture, like human warmth and neighborhood. Unique local culture and connections are of utter importance for them as well, as they have built deep connections and relationships with neighbors. Therefore, if neighbors are forced to move out, they would have fewer opportunities to communicate with each other and the relationship would become estranged. In the long term, it would break up the relationship between them and make it hard to continuously maintain a community network. These are the reasons why residents don’t want to leave and have opposite values with the government.

Last but not least, from the perspective of conservation groups, they are targeting a strike balance between government and residents since they need to concern both side’s values.

For example, the government mainly considers the development of conservation and the achievement of economic benefits, while residents focus on preserving collective memories and think that they should have the right to choose to stay or leave. In the meantime, conservation groups want to achieve conservation benefits, such as preserving the value of buildings and local culture, so the culture could pass down from generation to generation. They also emphasize buildings, history and real life together in order to constitute the same elements of the overall value of conservation. Thereby, it could establish intangible and invaluable social capital so as to promote the sustainable development of the community.

3.2  Different technologies used by different stakeholders

Firstly, to aid in the conservation of the Blue House, NGOs including St. James Settlement and the Culture and Leisure Service Committee formed the "Conservation of The Blue House Movement." The organization discussed how to preserve its original outlook, structure, and culture maximally with the original resident, the other people living in Stone Nullah Lane, the owner of the shops, and some professionals like architects. In this case, the NGOs used governmental technologies to organize the group and provided professional ideas to the residents. In 2007, the NGOs took over the whole movement, becoming the backbone of the entire campaign. In the same year, they proposed a solution called “Preserving the house and the resident together” to the Development Bureau of Hong Kong. The NGOs became a facilitator in the conservation movement, they provided related professional knowledge to the residents and communicated with the government.

Secondly, the residents fought for their own homeland through protests and communication with the government. Carrie Lam, the secretary for Development visited The Blue House and communicated with the resident face to face in 2007. Without the help of NGOs and professionals, they directly addressed the authorities and explained what they really desired regarding The Blue House's conservation program. They used a resident's power to fight for their own social justice.

Thirdly, the government releases the power to the residents. The government accepted the solution proposed by the resident in 2008 and started a new program called “Revitalizing Historic Buildings Through Partnership Scheme.”

Finally, the power of leading the project shifted to the residents from the government. The character of the resident turned into a holder from a protester,  about 80% of residents stayed there. We combined Structuralism and Post-Structuralism because the change of political power was illustrated in the above case , and it also shows that power is structured.

4.Conclusion

Government conservation efforts have preserved both material and non-material traces. Thus, the overall protection of cultural heritage has been realized.

In terms of material traces, the government restored and continued the architectural features. One feature that preserves the appearance of old tenement houses is the large balcony.For the non-material traces, the community network and neighborhood relationships have been sustained as eight households have chosen to stay.

The Blue House has found a balance between commercialization and localization with the revitalization program. For example, it has housed a dessert store and a vegetarian restaurant, providing more employment opportunities for the community. In addition, visitors are drawn in by frequent seminars and narrated tours.

In terms of localization, the Blue House Storytelling Museum systematically records the stories of community life and presents them to the public in a diversified and creative way, allowing visitors to have a deeper understanding of Blue House and regional culture.

It is clear that the collision of the perspectives of various cultural groups has converted the Blue Residence from a residential house into a vehicle for increased social advantages and activities.

The outcomes show that Blue House has accomplished sustainable development on both an economic and social scale.

At the economic level, in addition to the aforementioned social enterprises, the rents received from Blue House's "Good Neighbour Program" are one of the guarantees of the financial stability of the operation. Therefore, Blue House can be self-financing and use social capital to effectively relieve the huge financial pressure of building maintenance, operation and renovation.

At the social level, the Blue House's "Good Neighbour Program" has successfully preserved the atmosphere of the former tenement houses and continued the spirit of diversity and tolerance of the neighborhood. Moreover, the bottom-up conservation activities have created residents a greater sense of cultural identity. In turn, the project has been able to maintain and strengthen community networks. Maintaining and strengthening community networks and promoting community care and integration.

However, environmental sustainability has not been achieved. Although the government has upgraded the hardware facilities, such as by installing elevators, which has improved the environmental conditions of the previous e. However, no corresponding measures have been taken in terms of greening. If further improvements can be made, it is  believed that the revitalization of Blue House will be more successful.

In conclusion, Blue House has changed the logic and model of the previous revitalization projects, which only followed modern capitalism and consumerism, and has balanced commercialization and localization at the same time. It is a good example of successful revitalization in terms of sustainable development at both economic and social levels.

Reference

Anderson, B. (2019). Cultural geography 2: The force of representations. Progress in Human Geography, 43(6), 1120-1132.

Anderson, B. (2017). Cultural geography 1: Intensities and forms of power. Progress in Human Geography, 41(4), 501-511.

Behrent, M. C. (2013). Foucault and technology. History and Technology, 29(1), 54-104.

Lee, C. M. (2009). Whose heritage?: a study of a conservation movement in a Hong Kong urban building complex (Doctoral dissertation, Chinese University of Hong Kong).

Matthewman, S. (n.d.). Michel Foucault, technology, and actor-network theory. Retrieved November 1, 2022, from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/269955985_Michel_Foucault_Technology_and_Actor-Network_Theory

Mashhadi Moghadam, S. N., & Rafieian, M. (2019). If Foucault were an urban planner: An epistemology of power in planning theories. Cogent Arts & Humanities, 6(1), 1592065.

Ng, M. K. (2018). Sustainable community building in the face of state-led gentrification: the story of the Blue House cluster in Hong Kong. Town Planning Review, 89(5), 495-513.

冷婕、陳科：〈從「政府主導」到「民間主導」——香港藍屋保護案的歷程及啓示〉，《 建築師》（2016年），頁54–59。

邢舟：〈藍屋街坊〉，《 滬港經濟》 （2012年），頁 74–75。

容曉君，孫瑤，王安琪，陳漢雲：〈香港歷史遺產活化更新的商業模式探討〉，《國際城市規劃》（2017年），頁42-49。

社區文化關注。香港故事館。檢自：https://communityculturalconcern.wordpress.com/tag/香港故事館/

陳殿清： 〈福柯的「微觀權力論」與唯物史觀方法論上的差異性比較——兼與薛偉江先生商榷〉，《宜春學院學報》，（2005年）, 頁27-29。

錢圓銅： 〈話語權力及主體位置——基於福柯理論的分析〉，《西南農業大學學報:》 （2011年）, 頁116-118。

梁鴻： 〈話語, 權力和主體——關於後結構主義者福柯的理論分析〉，《郴州師範高等專科學校學報》（2002年），頁77-80。

陳嘉文 : 《藍屋」故事：保住老屋不拆，如何能保住老屋不死？》（2017年）。

A study of Mount Tai though Foucault’s power theory

Foreword

China has had unique natural resources since ancient times, such as famous mountains like Huashan and Mount Heng. People have always regarded Mount Tai as a very sacred and solemn place. From the Qin Dynasty to the Song Dynasty, different emperors have visited Mount Tai to share their merits with the people and the Gods. However, the sense of place for the people has a big difference between the past and now.  Hence, tthis proposal focuses on the reasons for the changes in the functions of Mount Tai and tries to analyze it from the perspective of cultural geography.

1.  Introduction

As mentioned before, China has had unique natural resources since ancient times. In fact, Mount Tai is not the highest and biggest mountain in China. However, it is still regarded as the foremost of the “Five Great Mountains”. Since Mount Tai is located in the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River. The people here have entered the stage of civilization the fastest. (張元衡,1995) At the same time, there are also the Yellow River, Jishui, Huaihe and Yangtze River here. Therefore, the unique natural conditions and the cognition of the people at that time gave the uniqueness of Mount Tai. Chinese people who believe in pantheism hence, believe Mount Tai is the place for them to communicate with God, who holds their destiny. In order to communicate with Gods to get a good life, people started to hold different activities in the mountain. Before the place for political uses, people dedicated animals to different corners of the mountain. In addition, during the Zhou Dynasty, the emperor had been hunting animals here. (Zhang, Zhang, 2019) Therefore, before the political space, Mount Tai was still in a primitive state since no building existed at that time, but the people had already produced invisible traces.

2. A Cultural Geographical Perspective on Mount Tai

Since Mount Tai had been gone throught different ages, even have different buildings already developed in the beginning like Dai Tample. Hence, this paper try to applied Agnew and Duncan’s theory of three constituent parts of place to find out the use of change in Mount Tai, especially focus of the sense of the place of people. Secondly, the change of Mount Tai also involved the power of different group, for instance, political and religion, etc. Therefore, this paper will focues on the transformative capacity of different group.

3. Empirical Analysis

3.1The political use of Mount Tai

The unique natural conditions and the cognition of the people provided a way for them to pray for a better life. They started to believe that Mount Tai was a very sacred and solemn place. This attracted the attention of the emperors, hoping to show their merits to Gods to show their legitimacy as a leader. The different buildings were therefore created by the emperors.

For instance, Feng Chan Ceremony is to build altars at the top and the bottom of Mount Tai by a contemporary monarch. Round altars and square altars are used for the top and bottom, respectively. The scales of the ceremony and the level of altars depend on political achievements. It is also used as a way to display political achievements and emphasize the orthodoxy of the dynasty.

The requirements of the ceremony are strict. The people must live and work in peace. Besides, it should be politically stable. It implies that the emperor is appointed by the Gods. The emperor is orthodox and accepted by citizens.

Those altars act as traces for the people living in that dynasty. It implies that people accept the emperor, or else the ceremony cannot be held successfully. Several cities were built for the ceremony. The locations of cities show the traditional way of living of people, which are under the mountain and above the water.

3.2 The function change of Mount Tai

There are several times massive functional changes of Mount Tai, for instance from political use to religious use then change to travel use,which made Mount Tai liberation to public areas.

In the Song Dynasty, folk who lived near Mount tai developed a new religion. Many folks trust Bixia Yuanjun ,Bixia Yuanjun is a religion developed from the mount tai but replacing mount tai takes the place in people's mind. They believed in the Bixia Yuanjun domination of the born in the world.It caused more folk to build many religious temples in mount tai（Figure1）, temples change the trace and function of mount tai. Mount Tai no longer serve for the political but also serve folk because Mount Tai area starts to be shared by religion reason, reflect that folk try to establish some new meaning for mount tai.Mount Tai also provide some new function to people.

Fig.1 The functional changes of of greater Mount Tai demonstrate on the building (Zhang, Zhang, 2019)

Beside that, another main reason for Mount Tai being liberated is that since the Ming dynasty, emperor Zhu Yuanzhang dismissed the sacred place of Mount Tai. In this situation the emperor used his capacity to decrease the political function of mount tai. In this period mount tai was changing from politics to a place for public use.After that the trace of political use is almost disappearing,but the importance of religion is increasing. This situation has continued for hundreds of years.

In recent decades there has been another massive change of its function. Mount Tai is no longer a religious or political place but has changed to a dual cultural heritage.  Economics and culture  is the vital role to give impetus to change the trace of mount tai. However, economics and culture also scramble the space of mount tai. Both of the stakeholders would like to change the trace of mount tai to get more benefit.

To sum up the trace and sense of place keeps changing, behind that is many different stakeholders have different ideas to shape the trace of mount tai the reason is they want to establish the sense of Mount Tai.

3.3 The integrated use of Mount Tai

There are diverse uses of Mount Tai in both humanities and natural aspects nowadays. As mentioned in the last paragraph, the political use of Mount Tai is fading after the Ming and Qing Dynasty, the Feng Chan Ceremony no longer exists and influence on the public. Also, there is not sole usage in a particular aspect like in the ancient period, but the diversity of usage in at least 3 aspects: tourism, environment protection and scientific research.

3.4 Tourism

Mount Tai is known as the most potential destination in China, Top 10 of the best destinations in cultural tourism, Top 10 of the beautiful mountains in China, famous scenery for photography and self-driving tours and the city with the most cultural atmosphere in 2014. As we can see from the fame above, there is no doubt that Mount Tai is a famous tourist hotspot in both domestic tourism and outbound tourism. In fact, there are crowds of people visiting Mount Tai especially in the peak tourism period, like there are 386 thousand tourists visiting Mount Tai during the 7 days of the National Week period in 2019 before the epidemic of Covid-19（齊魯網，2019）. Even under the situation of Covid-19 epidemic and epidemic prevention and control policy, there are still around 12 million tourists visiting Tai An during the first quarter of 2021, which is 88% when compared to the same period of 2019 before the outbreak of Covid-19（泰安市文化和旅游局，2021）. Such statistics show that the tourism demand of Mount Tai is strong even under the epidemic period. Not only for the number of tourists, the praise also shows that Mount Tai attracts different types of tourism purposes, such as sightseeing and Cultural Tourism.   

Therefore, Mount Tai is a comprehensive tourist area which attracts many tourists for different types of tourism purposes. When compared to other cultural or natural heritage, Mount Tai as a Mixed heritage seems to be more attractive to the tourist.

3.5 Environment protection

Mount Tai is a mixed heritage site containing elements of both natural and cultural significance according to the definition of UNESCO. Mount Tai is covered by different types of protected area, many of them overlap in the same region. As shown in the picture below, the main peak of Mount Tai is covered by at least three types of different protected areas in  Provincial, national, and international level. Like the Provincial Nature Reserve, National Park and UNESCO Global Geopark. Different protected areas contain different laws to protect the different aspects of Mount Tai. The boundary of the protected area defined by the conservation value in each region. So, the distribution of the protected area is scattered，but not the whole area of Mount Tai.

Fig.2   The Spatial scale change of greater Mount Tai (Zhang, Zhang, 2019)

Fig.3  Protected areas within  Mount Tai (Zhang, Zhang, 2019)

The compartmentalization of the Mount Tai area is quite different when compared to the past. As shown in the picture above, the area of Mount Tai in the past is a whole region, but not combined by many scattered areas under the compartmentalization of the protected area. People see Mount Tai as a sacred area, but the definition of protected area is judged by the value.

Apart from tourism and protection, Mount Tai is also an important area for scientific research in ecosystem and geology there. As we can list at least three functions of Mount Tai, it shows the diversity of usage of the Mount Tai area. And the functions are no longer just for the ruling class, but the general public.

4.Conclusion

To conclude, Mount Tai has different space uses for the people, including the original state, political, and religious space, before entering the current public use. It is clear to know that different parties who own the transformative capacity change the use of the space, for instance, the king builds different traces in the empty Mount Tai. Moreover, the senses of the place of the people in different periods are also change.

References

1.王恩田.(2002).東嶽泰山考辯.濟南教育學院學報,(3).頁1-7

2.周郢.(2013).從廟堂到民間:明清時期泰山文化之轉變.民俗研究,(6).http://106.37.81.211:8082/images/sjsimages/pdf/qk/xadzkjdxxb-shkxb/xadz2012/1205pdf/120516.pdf

3.張用衡 .(1995). 《泰山》，北京：知識岀版社。

4.張婧雅, & 張玉鈞. (2019). 自然保護地的文化景觀價值演變與識別——以泰山為 例. 自然資源學報, 34(9), 1833–1849. https://doi.org/10.31497/zrzyxb.20190904

5.泰安市文化和旅遊局2021年全市一季度經濟運行分析.(2021).

http://whlyj.taian.gov.cn/art/2021/5/28/art_166725_10282075.html?xxgkhide=1#:~:text=%E6%96%B0%E4%B8%9A%E6%80%81%E6%99%AF%E5%8C%BA%E5%8C%85%E6%8B%AC%E6%B3%B0%E5%AE%89,%E5%B9%B4%E5%90%8C%E6%9C%9F%E6%B0%B4%E5%B9%B3%E7%9A%8466.87%25%E3%80%82

6.齊魯網.(2019).<国庆期间38.6万游客游览泰山 生态旅游成泰安旅游重要名片>，http://yunhe.china.com.cn/2019-10/10/content_40916355.htm

Constructions of Historical experience and balance of value

1.  Introduction

Hong Kong, a city well-known for its unique historical background of once being Britain’s colony in the past, is left with Western aesthetic complexes after the Handover by the UK government in 1997. The Victoria Prison and Central Police Station was one of them. Now, named as Tai Kwun, same as the historical experience symbolised. Not only did the restoration project reshape the features of the buildings, it also gave a brand new cultural memory for visitors. It exists to be a place remembered as a solemn law enforcement structure by elders and a go-to shopping mall by locals.

This project focuses on how to redefine Tai Kwun while being presented with a cultural geographical perspective of gain understanding of the concepts behind the revitalization of Tai Kwun and the shaping of culture memory.

2. Understand Tai Kwun through Cultural Geographical Perspective

An introductions of Culture Memory

In analysing commercialization of Tai Kwun and its cultural conservation, culture memory is one of the key theory.

Culture memory as a well-form concepts was first proposed by Ben-Amos, D and Weissberg, L, who argue that the culture memory is a key to shape once’s identity (1999). Afterward, Astrid Erll and Ann Rigney carry to revival the values of culture memory and describe culture memory as “an ongoing process of remembrance and forgetting in which individuals and groups continue to reconfigure their relationship to the past and hence reposition themselves in relation to established and emergent memory sites” (Erll & Ann, 2009, p.2).

Culture memory in Tai Kwun

To create new memory for Tai Kwun, combination of past and present, commerce and culture is of great significance. Although Tai Kwun now is completely differentiated from the past, the two are never parted. A comprehensive impression, or culture memory for individuals and groups can only be generated by combination of them.

This essay especially impose the framework which state as “cultural memory come from public spaces and canon-building” (Erll & Ann, 2009, p.2). And find out the canon (like mixture of value and fragmentation) behind the public space (Tai Kwan) producing culture memory.

3. Empirical Analysis

Fragmentation and Unification behind the name: Process of creating new culture memory in Tai Kwun

Much research emphasizes the commercialization of conservating Tai Kwun. Still, some even depict the project as “government playing into the hands of the business sector” (Ku, A. S.-m, 2010, p.397) due to its non-profit status. Nevertheless, more practically, how has this conservation case shaped a new cultural memory of Hong Kong Heritage? This problem helps us reflect on the phenomena of one hand, the scholars and social critics of commercialization. Still, on the one hand, it is one of the most popular sites attracting more than 7.3 million visitors from May 2018 to late 2021 (legislative council, 2021, p.1).

Thus, the creation of new memory takes place through the fragmentation of historical memories and the unifying of the new memories by commercial and cultural elements; these factors explain a part of representations of spaces which is the culture management of Tai Kwan. Officially, the site is named Central Police station Compound, and Tai Kwan is a “colloquial name for local to refer…the whole compound” (Tai Kwan Heritage department, p.2). The names emphasize the group value of Tai Kwun. However, the significant means of promotion——exhibition is fragmentized into different geographical locations without demonstrating the historical connections of three key areas: Magistrate’s House, Victoria Gaol and Police Headquarters. Additionally, the new constructions, such as The Jockey Club Contemporary, an art museum and extra buildings beside the original site, have faintness the boundaries of three historical faculties and reshape the value of historical geography.

Moreover, the stores and restaurants are located in different buildings and take place in more than half of the venues (Ku, A. S.-m, 2010, p.398). The commercialized spaces are furnished fully against their original use, and most of the room dividers are reconstructed to cause the loss of architectural merit. Those changes unified the space using and degree the significance of each key area. Therefore, the cultural memories formed by representational space and spatial practices are transformed, which creates a new “historical experience”.

Figure 1: Who can guess this bar is in Prison Yard, Block E of Tai Kwun? (Source: Parkes, 2018)

 

Reconnect with Tai Kwun in Mixture value

In a more specific context, revitalizing Tai Kwun is reconnecting the Compound with society. In this sense, the construction of cultural memories with the visitors will be a mission, and still, demonstrating the history of Tai Kwun is transformed to mix with other elements, such as modern art. Indeed, the “storytelling” type of historical presentation is marginalized. Take the permanent exhibitions——Heritage storage places as an example; this exhibition was located in different buildings introducing the stores of that particular area (see Figure 2), such as “The Story of Central Police Station”. Geographically, most sites are located far from the prime locations, such as the underground floor or at a remote location (see Figure 3.) Moreover, according to the leaflet by Tai Kwun, besides the exhibition and interpretation board, other activities promoting the history of Tai Kwun, such as tours and Workshops, are required for registration or applications. Historically speaking and presentations have taken place by cultural activities and commercial use. 

Figure 2: Locations of “Heritage Storytelling Spaces” Exhibitions (Source: Tai Kwun)

Figure 3: One of the locations of the exhibitions, the red box indicates the gate of it (Photo by Ho Hay Long)

Rather than unidirectional knowledge communication, the mixed-value project is replaced. Those mixed-value projects including demonstrating arts in particular historical sites, such as the nearest exhibition——“Behind Your Eyelid—Pipilotti Rist”, the spirit of artworks not only physically set up at the heritage but carrying the context with a contemporary art presentation method: moving image installations. One of the artworks named “sleeping Pollen” (see Figure 4), the artwork introduces “the sphere…turn the silvery orbs into “dreams spinning slowly in the air”… the artist imagines the isolations prisoners and loneliness they may face.” (Tai Kwun, 2022) [i]

Those cultural traces reflecting the mixed values are planned as a mainstream of presenting the historical value of Tai Kwun, those mixed-value creating spaces for visitors to explore Tai Kwun through a new cultural experience, which is not a “museum” nor a pure heritage site, but definite by the visitors within the framework. In fact, mixed values as a core value of Tai Kwun; it allows to involve the “revitalization” of the heritage through cultural activities, dining or shopping, and the construction of a representation of Tai Kwun, such as a heritage art museum.

Figure 4: The artwork “sleeping Pollen” (Photo by Ho Hay Long)

Behind the process: Concisely understanding the value management of Tai Kwun

After examining different cases and management in Tai Kwun, can we conclude with a framework in order to understand the reason behind the new cultural memory? According to a concise introduction of Tai Kwun, they proclaim the vision is “offer the best heritage and arts experiences, and to cultivate knowledge and appreciation of… art” (Tai Kwun, 2022)

Besides, the economic value and elements have taken a premier palace, which we have discussed before. These three principal values contribute to “reconfigure their relationship into past and hence reposition themselves in relation to established and emergent memory site” (Erll & Ann, 2009, p.2), which is necessary to construct culture memory, especially through the transformation of boundaries of three main areas and the demonstrations of mixture value.

Thus, the balancing of three values (see figure 5) led Tai Kwun to create an “individual memory…moulded by the specifically social framework in which it operates” and provide a new “stable point of reference for individual and communities a share past” (Erll & Ann, 2009, p.1-2) which can take examples of shopping and arts experiences to reconnect the memories of Tai Kwun and the visitors in a “heritage interaction”.

Figure 5: The figure presents the relations of three main value of Tai Kwun and the creations of new historical experience.

4.  Conclusion

After the revitalization, Tai Kwun has been functioning by cultural, historical and economic values instead of solely historical values. While the historical background of Tai Kwun is of less importance to local residents, the compound is creating a new culture memory in hearts and souls of local society.

In normal circumstances, when the visitors aim to shopping or dining out in Tai Kwun, the realizations was more involved by the visitors. It is worth noting that the historical traces of the compound still remain after revitalization for exhibition purposes. Acting as both art centre and leisure destination, Tai Kwun is bound to generate more and more memories and leads new direction of Hong Kong heritage conservation.

Reference

Ben-Amos, D., & Weissberg, L. (1999). Cultural memory and the construction of identity. Wayne State University Press.

Erll, A., & Rigney, A. (2009). Mediation, remediation, and the dynamics of cultural memory. Walter de Gruyter.

Ku, A. S.-m. (2010). Making Heritage in Hong Kong: A Case Study of the Central Police Station Compound. The China quarterly (London), 202(202), 381-399.

Legislative Council (2021), Report on the implementation progress of heritage conservation initiatives ( CB(1)855/20-21(06)) Appendix C. 

Parkes, D. (2018). Behind Bars: This Tai Kwun bar nails the atmosphere but could do better with its premade cocktails. Time out. https://www.timeout.com/hong-kong/bars-and-pubs/behind-bars

(n.d.). Exhibitions & Programmes-Heritage Storytelling Spaces. Tai Kwun. https://www.taikwun.hk/en/programme/detail/heritage-storytelling-spaces/33

(n.d.). Our Story: Vision. Tai Kwun. https://www.taikwun.hk/en/taikwun/story.

1. Introduction

798 is an art zone located in Dashanzi Street, Chaoyang District, Beijing (Ning, 2022). It has been transformed from a radio equipment factory to an art district, and then from an art district to a commercial district. This project aims to examine the balance and conflict between cultural value and modern commercial development of 798 art zone by using the "space production" theory proposed by Henri Lefebvre (1991), and explore whether this project successfully supported original art development. By applying the Spatial Triad Model proposed by Henri Lefebvre (1991), this paper will examine how the revitalization has reconstructed the spatial production of 798 Art Zone from the cultural geography perspective. Furthermore, this paper will explore the artistic cultural value of the 798 Art Zone, and its conflict and balance with the postmodern commercial development.

2. Cultural Geographical Perspective in Use

The revitalization of 798 Art Zone has significantly transformed the geographical culture, and the relevant cultural traces before and after the renovation from historical factory to popular Art Zone is inextricably accompanied with the tremendous change of cultural landscape in 798 Art Zone. From the cultural geography perspective, our research question for this empirical investigation is oriented to analyze the functional changes of revitalized 798 Art Zone in the spatial production. In order to examine the inherent relationship between the commercial artistic activities and spatial revitalization of 798 art zone, Lefebvre’s Spatial Triad of three constituents (1991): spatial practice, representation of space and representational space. Lefebvre’s Spatial Triad as a theoretical perspective will be adopted as an analytical model to analyze how the geographical space in 798 art zone interacts with the artistic cultural and commercial values, contributing to the significant ongoing transformation of dynamic traces in the existing cultural geography.

Lefebvre’s spatial triad consists of three elements:

● Spatial practice is the collection of social activities and daily routines happening in the specific place where we implement our knowledge

● Representation of space is the conceived space by the dominant roles (e.g. scientists and planners) who actively perform the political, legal and social actions in power to regulate the urban planning

● Representational space is not only a lived space for the daily users’ consumption by using the current space based on personal needs and individual feelings, but also serves as an integration of the previous two spaces where old and new traces are present at the same time

Figure 1. An illustration of Lefebvre’s spatial triad

(Source: Lefebvre, 1991)

As for the rationale of adopting Lefebvre’s model, these three concepts are reasonably applicable in the different stages of 798 historical development, therefore, the spatial production is used to analyze the multiple shifting functions of 798 Art Zone from industrial purpose, commercial usage into governmental administration. Specifically, the spatial practice in Lefebvre’s model is suitable for investigating 798 revitalization from modern complex factories to postmodern 798 Art Zone; Representation of space could examine how 798 Art Zone is regulated by the dominating power of district government and further investigate the constant tension between Property Developer and artists as two major stakeholders; and Representational space is used to see how historical cultural traces and new traces have been preserved and created simultaneously during the diverse revitalisation of 798 Art Zone. Collectively, Lefebvre’s three conceptual spaces encapsulate the massive transformation of cultural landscape in the enduring process of 798 revitalisation.

3. Empirical Analysis

3.1. Spatial Practice

Space practice is also called "perceptual space" which means the production and reproduction of space. There are three components that will be mainly covered: history, architectural characteristics and human’s behavior in our analysis (Zhang, 2012). From a historical perspective, the 798 factory was originally just one of the 718 joint factories. After independent operation, it mainly produced magnetic materials and ceramic materials, which is a concrete industrial production space. The reproduction of space is reflected in the revitalisation of the factory. Since 2002, because of the low rent, many art institutions and artists have been attracted to rent workshops for transformation (Simon 2018), providing a diversified cultural space. In terms of architectural style, 798 as a typical Bauhaus style integrates crafts style and architectural style, which is a model of perfect integration of practicality and simplicity. The original architectural style has been activated and retained, together with modern art works, to form the integration of old and new cultures. The practice of human behavior has also changed, from the original workers producing industrial products to artists creating works and holding exhibitions.

Figure 2. The old industrial factories in 798 Art Zone

(Source: Baidu, 2018)

3.2 Representation of space

According to Lefebvre (1991, p. 38), Representation of space is defined as “conceptualized space, the space of scientists, planners, urbanists, technocratic subdividers and social engineers”, showing that the authorities in various identities commonly adopt a system of abstract knowledge and signifying codes to organize the spatial relations where power hierarchy among different stakeholders is well-established and potentially exercised on the social space (Lin, 2018). In this case study, representation of space explains how the 798 Art Zone reflects the power relations among government, property developers and artists in the historical change of spatial functions.

With regard to the process of 798 revitalization, according to the Tourism Tribune (2008), Professor Sui Jianguo of the Central Academy of Fine Arts rented a vacant factory building in 798 as a sculpture workshop in 1995. This spontaneous incentive of adaptive use was later considered to be the beginning of the development of the 798 Art Zone. Since then, some artists have moved in there gradually. In 2002, the entry of Chinese and foreign artists reached a peak. Subsequently, they created their own art studios there, which contributed to the rapid formation of the 798 Art District in a short period of time. At the end of 2003, the landowner Qixing Group started a demolition campaign around the 798 Art District, which wanted to sell the land to estate developers. However, the government decided to preserve this area after discussion.

Afterwards, the 798 Art Zone was taken over by the government and turned to develop a “Cultural and Creative Industry policy” in 2006, which made the 798 Art Zone turned from a creative arts district into a cultural and creative industry area officially. The change in the spatial function of the 798 Art District made it become a concentration of commercial activities and a shopping center, which attracts many online influencers on social media platforms in mainland China to promote artistic merchandise and increase the popularity of local coffee shops (Figure 3). This change allows the Qixing Group to lease land to different businesses, resulting in many shops opening in the 798 Art District such as cafes, handicraft stores, clothing stores and bars etc. The functional alteration of the 798 Art Zone reflects that development of commercial activities in the 798 Art Zone is more important than the development of arts there. It also shows that the corporate power in the 798 Art Zone is greater than the creative freedom of artists.

Figure 3. Cafe in the 798 Art Zone

(Source: 小紅書, 2021)

3.3 Representational Space

Sessions 1 and 2 have indicated that 798 Art Zone is not only employed as a public space for artistic production and exhibition, but also positioned as a historical conservation of old complex factories by the government as well as the commercial area by the developer for the customers and auction. The following section 3 will analyze 798 Art Zone as a public space for artists and writers who intend to engage in the non-verbal description of signs. It will also cover how 798 Art Zone preserves old and new traces before and after the revitalization, and how the aggregation of these old and new cultural traces contributes to the multi-functional use of 798 Art Zone in the artistic exhibition and commercial activities.

3.3.1 798 Art Zone as a Space for Production

In terms of the historical significance of the 798 Art Zone, the 798 old complex factories have been preserved and the large old steel water pipes constructed in the "First Five-Year Plan" period of New China have been transformed into the historic architectural artwork for exhibition (Figure 4). Given that the industrial area of 798 Complex factories is originally used in the mass production of ceramics, 798 art zone not only preserves the old industrial traces from New China history, but also organizes some creative workshops for the participants to make their specially customized ceramics. It shows that the scope of production in 798 art zone is no longer limited to ceramic products, yet aiming to develop the artistic activities of artware workshops and arranging art exhibitions for the visitors. Moreover, 798 Art zone acquired new cultural traces by synthesizing the revitalization of old factories with modern artwork, which is revealed by the cultural landscape that the rusty machinery, steel pipes, and tall chimneys coexist with pioneering art sculptures, paintings and creative graffiti art (Figure 5, Figure 6). The cross-temporal artistic work and historical factories promotes 798 visitors to immerse themselves in the traditional industry and modern art, which reflects that 798 art zone retains the traces of old factories after revitalization, yet the main function has been shifted from industrial purpose into the artistic exhibition.

Figure 4. Users of public space in 798 Art Zone

(Source: Contemporary China, 2020)

Figure 5. Graffiti-art and the old industrial factories in 798 Art Zone 

(Photographer: CHEN Wanyi, July 2021)

Figure 6. Graffiti-art and the old industrial factories in 798 Art Zone 

(Photographer: CHEN Wanyi, July 2021)

3.3.2 798 Art Zone as a Space for Arts development and commercial activities

Furthermore, 798 Art Zone is employed to exhibit artistic images, human photography and representative artistic symbols to spread different cultural values of Chinese ethnic-minority. In relation to the definition of representational space, 798 Art Zone is lived through the associated artistic images and symbols designed by the artists as “users” of a public space to present the vividly living part of human experience (Hayden, 1995). On the other hand, the visitors of 798 art zone seek to use their imagination to change the dominated and passively experienced space through the symbolic employment of objects. The lived space of 798 Art Zone concerns how artists and visitors retrofit and mold the space for their own use. The following Images of Ethnic Minority Life and Culture symbolize the ethnic Minority Cultural identity in the non-verbal description of signs (Figure 7, Figure 8), while some visitors left their short comments on the photos of ethnic minority people in the sticky note next to the exhibited photo. It shows that 798 as a public space presents a living experience of ethnic minority culture and art, with artists as "dominant space users" promoting ethnic minority culture in the symbolic form of ethnic minority costume and visual photography. What’s more, visitors are also regarded as the active users of 798 art zones to collectively enrich the diverse meaning of artwork in their spontaneous action of writing personal narrative. Likewise, we, as the students who take an initiative to conduct the academic investigations on 798 art exhibitions in Lefebvre’s model also utilizes 798 artistic photos and symbols to meet our personal needs, competing with the dominant power of obeying the established rules.

Figure 7. The Art Exhibition for Chinese Ethnic-minorities in 798 Art Zone

(Photographer: CEHN Wanyi, July 2021)

Figure 8. The Art Exhibition for Chinese Ethnic-minorities in 798 Art Zone 

(Photographer: CHEN Wanyi, July 2021)

Additionally, by combining the financial interests with artistic values of various artworks, 798 Art Zone is usually featured with many commercial activities in the DIY shops and art exhibition stores targeted at shoppers with high consuming power (Figure 9, Figure 10). The overly commercial use of 798 Art zone is potentially contradicted with the booming development of diverse artistic culture as the majority of artists may tend to tailor their creative artwork for the trending consumerism culture, rather than dedicating to developing innovative artwork for the artistic development. The property developer’s incentive to encourage commercial activities has exacerbated the plight of some creative artists and art institutions, but it is an inevitable consequence of the cultural development and art market expansion to a certain extent. The development of art requires various resources, which need to be realized through commercial prices, and the development of commerce can provide financial resources for art activities, allowing artworks to realize their economic value. The balance and conflict between commercial activities and artistic development corresponds with the power relation of three stakeholders in Representational of Space, since different users of the space tried to struggle for seizing the dominant control of 798 Art Zone and transforming it to their own beneficial favor with their actions of preservation and renovation. Eventually, the constant tension among three stakeholders perpetuates the multi-purposed and contradictory nature of 798 art zone as a public space for artistic development and commercial activities

Figure 9. The Handmade artwork shop in 798 Art Zone

(Photographer: CHEN Wanyi, July 2021)

Figure 10. The Handmade artwork shop in 798 Art Zone

(Photographer: CHEN Wanyi, July 2021)

4. Conclusion

Through integrating Lefebvre’s space production theory into the examination of the balance and conflict between the cultural values and commercial interests of the 798 art zone, it was concluded that public efforts have been spent in balancing and preserving the interests of both sides. However, given that the management side often owns more power than the tenants, tenants can hardly survive under this irreversible structure of power. In response to this difficulty, it is suggested that the government can interfere more by imposing policies to balance the interests between the two sides, such as rental regulation and cultural preservation subsidies.

References

林叶. (2018).“城市人类学再思:列斐伏尔空间理论的三元关系、空间视角与当下都市实 践.” Jiangsu she hui ke xue 3 : 124–135. Print.

Hayden, D. (1995). The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History. Cambridge:               Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press.

Lefebvre, Henri (1991), The Production of Space. Oxford, Blackwell Publishers

張媞. (2012). “艺术・商业・政治 北京798艺术区的前世今生.” Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese             University of Hong Kong.

西文. (2018). “北京798藝術區遊～中國創意抬頭？” Medium.

百度百科. (2022, September 5). 798 Art Zone. Retrieved November 4, 2022 from https://baike.baidu.hk/item/798藝術區/9501879

宁泽群. (2008). 798 艺术区作为北京文化旅游吸引物的考察: 一个市场自发形成的视角. 旅游学刊/#/旅遊學刊[[Lu_ Yu Hsueh K’An]], 23(3).

中国新闻网. (2022, October 27). 北京798艺术节开幕 多元活动呈现发展之果艺术之美. 中国新闻网.https://baijiahao.baidu.com/s?id=1747852131930820916&wfr=spider&for=pc

Web users get a former weapons manufacturing district that comes alive as a dynamic arts             hub. (n.d.) 798 Arts District Vision Plan. https://www.sasaki.com/zh/projects/798-            arts-district-vision-plan/

1.  Introduction

Being the largest reconstruction project in Hong Kong, Kwun Tong Town Centre Redevelopment Project induces big changes in the scenery, facilities and cultures in the district. Yue Man Hawker Bazaar (Figure 1), where many small businesses were found, was affected as well. Originally located on Mut Wah Street and Hip Wo Street, the bazaar had to be temporarily moved to Tung Yan Street in 2014 and ultimately situated at the base level of Yue Man Square from 2021 onwards as the earliest location was a part of the redevelopment project (Figure 2). By stating the research question of our project: “Does Kwun Tong Town Centre Redevelopment Project destroy the original small business culture in Yue Man Hawker Bazaar?”, we hope to find out the special traces that exist in Yue Man Bazaar and the impact of the redevelopment project on the small business culture. 

Figure 1. Yue Man Hawker Bazaar

(Source: Fun in Kwun Tong, 2022)

Figure 2. Kwun Tong Town Centre Redevelopment Project 

Notional Master Layout Plan

(Source: Urban Renewal Authority, 2007)

2. A Cultural Geographical Perspective on Yue Man Hawker Bazaar

Theoretically, cultural geographical perspectives include geographical context, culture, traces and place. Geographical context does not simply indicate the geospatial location, but also consists of economic, social and political. Culture is the values and thoughts people have. When geographical context and culture intersect with each other, traces, meaning the marks, residues, or remnants, will be formed (Anderson, 2021). They can be divided into two categories, “material” such as architects and “non-material'' such as belongings and memories. The combination of these traces helps create a place, which is Yue Man Hawker Bazaar in this project.

Our project will be separated into two parts. The first section explores the formation and change of three traces, customer flow, building styles and hawker-customer relationship in Yue Man Hawker Bazaar through analyzing the intersection between geographical context and culture, while the second part examines whether the small business culture can be preserved after the redevelopment project via emphasizing on how the values of different stakeholders affect the small business culture in Yue Man Hawker Bazaar from the culture perspective (Figure 3). 

Figure 3. Analytical framework of this project 

using cultural geography perspectives 

(Idea from: Anderson, 2021)

3. Empirical Analysis

3.1 Traces Transformation of Yue Man Hawker Bazaar

3.1.1 Trace 1: Customer Flow 

In the 1970s, Kwun Tong hawkers accumulated around the town center, Yue Man Square. Due to problems generated in hygiene and transportation, the government banished the hawkers to the Mut Wah Street basketball court, which was located close to the public housing estates (Can hawker bazaar, 2020). Meanwhile, the rapid development of industry, like manufacturing, in Hong Kong plus the presence of the Kwun Tong Industrial Area provided numerous job opportunities, attracting many people going to the Mut Wah Street Temporary Hawker Bazaar (Au, Lo & Wu, 2014). 

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, most of the Hong Kong manufacturers migrated to the mainland due to lower land rent and more labor resources being supplied, causing Hong Kong to experience economic transformation (Au et al., 2014). The beneficial effect in customer flow induced by Kwun Tong Industrial Area no longer existed. Until the implementation of the redevelopment project, Mut Wah Street hawkers shifted to Tung Yan Street, which was located close to the middle-class residence. However, most customers of the bazaar were grassroots so the target customer flow reduced a lot (Can hawker bazaar, 2020). Sharing a similar problem as Tung Yan Street Interim Hawker Bazaar, the position of Yue Man Hawker Bazaar is near the middle-class population. Hence, the target customer flow drops a lot and cannot reach as much as on Mut Wah Street. 

3.1.2 Trace 2: Building Styles

Before the redevelopment project, the stores in Mut Wah Street Temporary Hawker Bazaar were packed closely and constructed using iron sheets and canvas (Figure 4). It was not hard to imagine that the environment of the bazaar would be very hot during summer and the ventilation was poor. 

Figure 4. Mut Wah Street Temporary Hawker Bazaar

(Source: Hong Kong In-media, 2014)

Later on Tung Yan Street, the external wall of the building was made up of metal laths, anticipating to achieve natural ventilation and maximum day-light utilization to save energy (Yue Man Hawker Bazaar, 2022). Although the ventilation condition had improved, the feeling of hot and stuffy still remained.

With better planning by the government, moving the bazaar from outdoor to indoor, from the ground floor to the base level helped increase the ventilation condition. It becomes a tidy place with air conditioners and the space between the stores widens, creating a more comfortable environment for hawkers and customers. 

3.1.3 Trace 3: Hawker-Customer Relationship

In Mut Wah Street Temporary Hawker Bazaar, the hawkers aimed at serving the grassroots as most of the Kwun Tong residents were low-income (Au et al., 2014). Making enormous profits was not their first consideration so the daily necessities they sold were extremely cheap. They focused on the connection with the customers, fostering a sense of belonging. 

For instance, a hawker in Yue Man Hawker Bazaar called “Uncle Biu" (標叔), who had been selling school uniforms in Mut Wah Street and Tung Yan Street, experienced a great deficit for decades but he still works 11 hours per day (Tsang, 2020). He believed that if his store, which is next to the exit, is closed, no one will visit the bazaar. Also, some customers who moved out from Kwun Tong come back and purchase school uniforms from him. This hawker-customer relationship is the reason why he keeps working.

Unfortunately, because of a dramatic decline in customer flow in Tung Yan Street and Yue Man Hawker Bazaar, we are afraid that the story of Uncle Biu is just a minority. As an overview at present, the non-profit-based hawker-customer relationship gradually disappeared, as well as the sense of belonging.

3.2 Impact of Different Stakeholders’ Values on the Small Business Culture

3.2.1 The Government

Putting profit and commercializing Kwun Tong as the first priority, the government places the bazaar under Yue Man Square, which has a lot of luxury shops and major chain stores. Although a tidy place is provided, other high-class stores and residents surrounding the bazaar are not compatible with the small business culture. It seems that the government only offers a place to settle down the hawkers but ignores the competitiveness of the bazaar with other markets and shopping centers. Moreover, they neglect the target customer flow of the small business, which is the grassroots, leading to a decline in small business culture. 

3.2.2 Hawkers

The hawkers hope to operate on Mut Wah Street after redevelopment while the rebuilding of Yue Man Hawker Bazaar fulfills their desire. Nonetheless, since the new Yue Man Hawker Bazaar is located at the base level, some hawkers worry that it is like a dungeon and will not attract customers, thus inhibiting small business culture preservation. 

3.2.3 Old Residents

Most of the old residents in the Yue Man Square area who study or work nearby belong to the grassroots. Their consumption power is low. Statistics from the Census and Statistics Department (2021) show that the average monthly household income in Kwun Tong District was $29,400 in 2021, and 21.5% of the population is over the age of 65. Under the influence of the redevelopment project, the product price in the redeveloped area increases. It is less likely that the low-income old residents can afford the product price so they will probably be squeezed out of the redevelopment zone, even outside the community. A decrease in target customer flow hinders the small business culture. 

3.2.4 New Residents

Residents living in Grand Central, which is the closest residence next to Yue Man Hawker Bazaar, are mostly middle class. They can afford HK$20000 rent per month so they are not the target customers of the bazaar. Also, the middle class prefers shopping at night because they need to work during the day. Yet, the bazaar closes at 10 pm every day while other shopping centers nearby like APM close at 2 am (Hon, 2007). These shopping centers are more attractive than the bazaar and they are not likely to go to the bazaar, impeding the preservation of the small business culture. 

4.  Conclusion

This project explores Yue Man Hawker Bazaar through studying its unique traces formed by the intersection of geographical contexts and culture, and its small business culture before and after the redevelopment project in Kwun Tong with different stakeholders’ values. The aims and expectations of the stakeholders to the redeveloped area are different, as their values and habits differ, and as a result, it can be seen that the location is not fit, causing the target customer flow to decline. This redevelopment project destroys the original small business culture. Whether or not the bazaar can continue, more thinking and considerations will be required.

References

Anderson, J. (2021). Understanding Cultural Geography: Places and Traces. London: Routledge. doi: https://doi.org/10.4324/9780367814816

Au, C. K., Lo, W. S. & Wu, K. C. (2014). Oral History Research Project of Kwun Tong. Retrieved from https://www.kwuntong.org.hk/publications/Oral_History_Research_Project_of_Kwun_Tong.pdf

Census and Statistics Department (2021). Population and Household Statistics Analysed by District Council District. Retrieved from https://www.censtatd.gov.hk/en/data/stat_report/product/B1130301/att/B11303012020AN20B0100.pdf

Hon L. C. (2007). 重建的市區──被規劃的城市生活記憶. [Redeveloped urban areas - planned memory of urban life]. 文化研究@嶺南(4). [Cultural Studies @ Lingnan (4)]. Retrieved from https://www.ln.edu.hk/mcsln/archive/4th_issue/pdf/feature003.pdf

Tsang, F. T. (2020). 裕民市集人流欠奉　檔主為保情誼日開11小時蝕住做 （2020）. [Few customers visiting Yue Man Hawker Bazaar Hawkers work 11 Hours per day because of customer relationship] HK01. Retrieved from https://www.hk01.com/article/617003?utm_source=01articlecopy&utm_medium=referral

Yue Man Hawker Bazaar (2022). Fun in Kwun Tong. Retrieved from https://www.kwuntong.org.hk/en/c2_7.html

墟市能存活於市區重建下嗎？(2020). [Can hawker bazaar survive under urban redevelopment?] HK01. Retrieved from https://www.hk01.com/article/510007?utm_source=01articlecopy&utm_medium=referral

A study of boat people changing communities with the application of Lefebvre’s theory

Foreword

The case study analysis emphasizes the correlations of modernization and boat people communities in Hong Kong. Boat people societies have been experiencing a downturn during the past few decades with the presence of modern society. It is expected that exclusive features and culture can be revealed before it fully diminishes. This sector has witnessed the evolution of Hong Kong and acted as a major industry before.

1.  Introduction

Playing a significant role in terms of Hong Kong’s history and culture, boat people communities have created multiple traces along with the evolution of fisheries. Hong Kong first started as a fishing village, then has undergone three economic transformations that have led to the modern society it belongs to today. The term, modernization, carries multidimensional implications and creates influences on the spatial practice of boat people communities. Spatial practice is explained as follows: Human behavior gives meaning to the space while human activities strengthen the value of spaces, and therefore form a special spatial appearance (Lefebvre, 1991). This project investigates the interrelation of modernization force and boat people communities, particularly how the process of Hong Kong being a modern society impacted the development of fisheries.

2. Theoretical framework

The idea of a conceptual triad from Lefebvre will be used to analyze the interaction between residential space and the traditional culture of boat people as well as the conflict between different parties that contribute to the diminishing of boat people’s culture. According to Lefebvre (1991), spatial triads include spatial practice, representations of space, and representational space.

1. Spatial practice: Human activities endow spaces with cultural meaning in the sense that it strengthens the value of a place and constructs a particular spatial feature.

2. Representation of space: Conceived space that is manipulated by a scientist or urban planner and fosters representational space.

3. Representational space: The everyday space that people inhabit and act within, but the spatial representation is changed by the dominators such as the government.

2.1 Spatial practice in the religion of boat people

The origin of religion and superstition of boat people is the danger from working in the sea, they worship different kinds of ‘gods’ and pray for their own safety. Take the ‘Feng Shui Egg’ near Ap Lei Chau as an example. It is a rock that looks like a duck egg where people perpetuate that as good fortune in giving birth to boys, and this means a lot to the residents.  When the coastal area was being developed, the Southern District Council reserved the ‘Feng Shui Egg’ especially. We can see that it is the residents that endow meanings to an initially meaningless space (Mok, 2021).

2.2 Representation of space and representational space in changing living habits

From 1960 onwards, the living habits of boat people changed due to various governmental policies and development plans that intend to transform the industry (Lam, 2022). This demonstrated that the employment of space is political where it is the social product of the parties who dominate the space. With the intervention of the government and developer, the original usage of the living space of boat people was transformed into tourist attractions and private housing. Under capitalism, space and places become a product where the initial utilization of space is changed.

3. Empirical Analysis

Back to earlier days, the older generation of boat people lived on boats on the water, which was named “houseboat” with terribly simple and crude facilities and layout (Agriculture, Fisheries and Conservation Department, 2022). There was neither electricity nor water supply while the washroom was simply a crowded corner at the stern separated by wooden boards (Agriculture, Fisheries and Conservation Department, 2022). Yet, this was the everyday space where they inhabited and spent their daily lives. As time passed by, they started moving their dwellings by constructing huts along the shore with bamboo branches, tree bark and iron sheets (Agriculture, Fisheries and Conservation Department, 2022). With the accumulation of hits along the shore, that area became their communities. At that time, the huts were arranged densely and side by side without walls surrounded (Agriculture, Fisheries and Conservation Department, 2022). Therefore, their neighbors may occasionally pass by the living spaces of one another. This increased the opportunities of contact and interaction among boat people that promoted the development of harmonious and close relationships. These features created traces of culture in boat people communities. Representational space of boat people derived a common ideology that “land” does not exist, while they emphasized “water” given its symbolic representation of vitality. From the perspective of boat people, “water” extensively provides them with a harvest which generates their income for a stable living (Zheng, 2012). Meanwhile, living and working on the water could be dangerous depending on the heave of the sea, this could be regarded as a matter of life and death among boat people. Therefore, boat people sought the power of religion to protect and support them in overcoming all kinds of difficulties, and many gods related to the sea gradually emerged. Speaking of this, when the adversities from the representational space, for example unfavorable living conditions, unpredictable weather, and harvest, intersected with the ideology of boat people, it gave rise to a trace of “boat people spirits”. They are namely indefatigability and optimism (Tsang, 2020). Boat people could always find ways to encourage and entertain themselves, such as fisherman’s songs (Chan, 2018).

Figure 1. Huts in Tai O.

(Source: Authors of this research paper)

3.1 Opportunities brought by modernization

The culture of boat people communities can be benefited by modernization in terms of the development of in-depth travel. Take the event in Tai O as an example, participants with any cultural background were welcomed to visit. Through engaging in the activities organized by Tai O Cultural Association, they could have a deeper understanding of the histories, culture, and life hacks of boat people communities. For example, there was an activity offered as a fish net weaving tutorial class. The traditional skills of knitting fishnets with the use of reusable bags and clothes were shown (Hoffman, n.d.). Throughout the process, participants could comprehend the traces of folk wisdom where boat people made use of limited resources from the environment with their intelligence. In addition, in-depth travel injected new values to the boat people communities that converted the cultural landscape based on the original place. Participants of the event injected appreciation due to the cultural and historical stories carried by the place. Whereas the traveling event injected tourism value to the boat people communities, visitors achieved perception, understanding, and involvement of tangible and intangible cultural landscape where distinctive features were involved.

3.2 Challenges brought by modernization

Although modernization has a significant positive impact on the culture of boat people as mentioned above, it has brought certain challenges to the culture too. We have identified five main causes behind the challenges: high demand for technology and mechanization, urban development, Hong Kong’s economic transformation, advancement of education, and surge in demand for seafood.

As a result of technological development, demand for motorized fishing boats and more advanced equipment increased. To reduce the financial burden on fishermen, the Fish Marketing Organization offered loans for fishermen to purchase such equipment. However, since the loan approval standard was based on fishermen’s catches (Zheng, 2012), those with fewer catches failed to receive the loan. In the meantime, as the demand for machinery rose, and the cost of introducing technology became expensive which added cost to fishermen, those who failed to motorize their equipment experienced a decrease in their competitiveness and were forced to leave the industry in the end.

Land reclamation and infrastructure construction along with urban development might have benefited most of us, but not the fishing industry. These projects had led to a reduction of fishable area and adversely impacted the marine ecology, as well as the quantity and quality of catches (WWF, 2018). As the fisheries resources have plummeted in the industry, boat people could hardly maintain their livelihood and have started a new life on land. This demolished the sense of place among boat people, which the affective and experimental traces that tied these people into their origins were destroyed. Urban development could be regarded as a cultural act, exercising its dominant power to change the representational space of boat people communities. New cultural boundaries were developed on the water by land reclamation, which exerted the power in restricting the behavior of others, such as fishing of boat people. Moving on to economic transformation, the manufacturing industry including the fishing industry was the mainstay of Hong Kong’s economy until 1841. Yet, as Hong Kong moved to an entrepot, then switched to an industrial city after that, and finally to a tertiary industry like today’s Hong Kong, the fishing industry began to decline and became less important to Hong Kong’s economy (Mu, 2005).

Modernization has resulted in an improvement in the education system, making it easier for fishermen to access education. However, as the descendants of boat people realize the importance of education, most of them chose to seek better education and job opportunities on land and left the sea (Chen, 2018). The ideology of “water as their origin” became vague, which the younger generation chose to start a new chapter of life on land. With their removal, the older generation, who strongly emphasized the concept of collectivism, failed to inherit the missions of being boat people to the next generation. Therefore, the cultural traces have diminished.

4.  Conclusion

This paper strives to merge the conceptual triad of Lefebvre into the analysis of how modernization adversely affected the culture of boat people communities. In-depth tourism injected new values to the communities which favored the embedding of values and beliefs, as to strengthen the consciousness among people. However, the dominant power from modernization limited the cultural practices of boat people communities by influencing the representational space.

Reference

Agriculture, Fisheries and Conservation Department (2013). Agriculture, Fisheries and Conservation Department the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. Agriculture, Fisheries and Conservation Department The Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. Retrieved November 20, 2022, from https://www.afcd.gov.hk/

Agriculture, Fisheries and Conservation Department. (2022). Culture of Hong Kong Fishermen. https://www.hktraveler.com/HKFish_to2013/edu_culture.htm#01

Chan, W. T. (2018). Cultural Studies. https://www.ln.edu.hk/mcsln/archive/63rd_issue/criticism_04.shtml

Chen, H. Z. (2018). 社區藝術在漁民社區. Cultural Studies. Retrieved November 20, 2022, from https://www.ln.edu.hk/mcsln/archive/63rd_issue/criticism_04.shtml

Hoffmann, M. (n.d.). Tai O Fishing Village. Hong Kong Traveller. Retrieved November 21, 2022, from https://www.hong-kong-traveller.com/tai-o-fishing-village.html

Lam, H.T. (2022, June 09). 水上人家--變幻香港的見證. Retrieved November 21, 2022, from https://www.thevoiceofhistory.com/post/boapdweller

Lefebvre, H. (1991). The production of space. Oxford: Blackwell.

Mok, J. (2021) Maritime religion: An east asian perspective: Jay Mok. (n.d.). Retrieved November 21, 2022, from https://www.hkcnews.com/article/40691/maritime_religion tanka%E8%9C%91%E5%AE%B6%E4%BA%BA-40691/maritime-religion-an-east asian-perspective

Mu, Y. (2005). 香港經濟轉型的成功要素. 香港經濟轉型的成功要素 - 往期數據 - 經濟 導報-香港歷史最悠久的中文財經雜誌. Retrieved November 20, 2022, from http://www.jdonline.com.hk/index.php?m=content&c=index&a=show&catid=38&id=2506

Tsang, L. (2020, August 5). 長洲設計師回流「尋根」創意產品展現「漁民精神. 大紀元時報. Retrieved August 5, 2020, from https://hk.epochtimes.com/news/2020-08-05/6375436

WWF. (2018). 填海的昂貴代價. 世界自然基金會香港分會. Retrieved November 20, 2022, from https://www.wwf.org.hk/en/news/?21120%2Fcost-of-reclamation

Zheng, J. D. (2012). 一個水上人家庭的故 事 – 從水上人空間運用的生活文化尋找被遺 忘的歴史. Feature. Retrieved November 20, 2022, from  https://www.ln.edu.hk/mcsjln/archive/28th_issue/feature_03.shtml

A Study of Fujianese cultures evolving through lifestyles in North Point

Figure 1. Chun Yeung Street in North Point

(Source: Chan,2019)

1.  Introduction

Fujianese is one of the largest populations in Hong Kong. There are more than 1 million Fujian immigrants in Hong Kong and more than ⅓ of them are living in North Point (Chang, 2014).  North Point is also named as “Little Fujian '' as most of the Fujianese immigrants have gathered here since the 1960s and it forms a cultural community for Fujian people in Hong Kong. In addition, Chun Yeung Street is the most representative place in North Point, and it is welcomed by the local Fujianese as Fujian traditional food and stores can be easily found. Our projects aim to discover how the “Little Fujian” was formed with the aid of Henri Lefebvre’s theory of The Production of Space. Meanwhile, we try to investigate how important Little Fujian is and affect local Fujianese’s sense of place.

2. Cultural Geographical Perspective in Use

When it comes to the formation of Little Fujian, the theory of The Production of Space proposed by Henri Lefebvre could be applied for analysis. “Space is a product of society”, that is, space is constructed, operated, and practiced by social relations in order to manifest its existence. (Niehoff, 2020) Space should be formed by the continuous production and reproduction of human beings as collective subjects. (Pred, 1981) In order words, human participation endows with the existence of space and only with human participation does space produce meaning.

The Production of Space could be regarded as 3 dimensions to analyze, including spatial practice, representations of space and representational space.

Firstly, spatial practice refers to how we utilize our senses to perceive the world by being in the world. (Lefebvre, 1974) The process of mastering and occupying space produces the space slowly and firmly. Secondly, representations of space mean the dominant space in every society which refers to how we understand space through our understanding and ideology and certain ways of presenting space, such as maps. (Lefebvre, 1974) Thirdly, representational space is defined as a set of symbolism, which reflects the synergies and similarities between the natural, spiritual and social realities of the space. (Lefebvre, 1974) The space is produced under the mutual influence of these three dimensions.

Figure 2. Three dimensions of “The Production of Space”

(Source: Lefebvre, 1991)

These three dimensions are mutually influenced to produce space and the following figure shows how the Little Fujian is formed:

Figure 3. Conceptual framework of the production of space and its applications

(Source: from authors)

According to Soja, he continues and consolidates the discussion of representational space in the theory of the production of space. He suggests that the third space is a combination of physical and psychological quadrants, as well as time and users. It focuses more on how the space integrates entities, senses, emotions, and experiences.  In short, there are various "relationships" with memory. (Soja, 1996) Through this integration, we will also use the theory of Sense of place to investigate further the connections of the individuals with the places. We will use the following components (Figure 4.) to discuss how local residents create bonding and connections with Little Fujian, and also the sense of “being homes” in North Point.

Figure 4. Components of sense of place

(Source:  Brown et al., 2015; Mulvaney, 2020; Ng et al., 2021; Tester et al., 2011)

3. Empirical Analysis

3.1.1 Spatial practice of Little Fujian

In North Point, especially in the area of Chun Yeung Street, where all kinds of Fujian-style snacks and local products could be found, for example blood sausage soup, BBQ pork rice dumplings, Chinese meat rolls (Ngoh Hiang) and so on. Besides, housing is a part of daily life. According to the population census conducted in 1971, about 18% of the population in North Point was Fujianese, which is five times of the average of 3% for all districts in Hong Kong. (Chan, 2020) Many of them mainly live in old buildings there, such as City Mansion. Also, Hokkien is widely used in North Point. According to the language map carried out by The University of Hong Kong, about 9% of the population in North Point can speak Hokkien. Furthermore, entertainment in Little Fujian is also one of the proofs of spatial space. Most Fujianese believe in Buddhism, so many temples were built inside the old buildings in North Point by Fujianese or Fujian organizations. Some Fujian immigrants even brought the shrines from their hometowns to Hong Kong and put them in some religious associations or temples there for worship. (Chang, 2014) Fujianese must go to chant scriptures and have a vegetarian meal on the first, eighth and fifteenth day of every month or on the day of sacred birth. (Lam, 2016) Another main activity there is usually in Fujian associations, where many older Fujianese generations like to play Mahjong there in their spare time. (Chang, 2014) From the daily lives of Fujianese in North Point, including the Hokkien cuisine, the densely populated North Point buildings in Fujian, the popularity of Hokkien dialect in North Point, and the establishment of Fujian temples and Fujian associations are all the evidence of spatial practice.

Figure 5. Fujianese cuisine

(Source: from authors)

3.1.2 Representations of space of Little Fujian

In the 18th century, the increased population caused the development of Causeway Bay and North Point in the early period of the port opening of Hong Kong. The development of North Point has led to the relocation of Fujianese businessmen who moved there. Moreover, the history and development of North Point is evidence of representations of space. In 1917, the Fukien Chamber of Commerce was established, and it set up the first school specially for Fujianese in North Point since most of the Fujianese immigrants lived in North Point and most of them did not know Cantonese. Three years later, a key Fujianese businessman who was named Guo Chun Yeung, reclaimed land in North Point and he gave up on his original plan of building a sugar factory.  The Hong Kong government therefore named the streets Chun Yeung Street and Tong Shui Road respectively in North Point. In 1948, he built 40 connected houses there and most of the residents were Fujianese immigrants. From the 1950s to 1960s, many Filipinos Chinese and Indonesian Chinese returned and moved to Hong Kong because of some political reasons.

Figure 6. Photo of Guo Chun Yeung

(Source: Wikipedia, 2022)

3.1.3 Representational space of Little Fujian

The values of residents and shopkeepers in Little Fujian demonstrate the representational space. North Point is a small Fujianese community in Hong Kong. (Guldin, 1977) Fujianese in North Point believe that they can take care of each other as neighbors, especially for newcomers/elderlies encounter language barriers. Furthermore, one of our interviewees is a Fujianese shopkeeper, Mrs. Leung claimed that “Cantonese people did not like our food and it was just for Fujianese.” In fact, many of the shopkeepers aim to provide ‘nostalgic food’ for Fujianese living in Hong Kong when Fujianese in Hong Kong are homesick. It thus shows the positive attitudes between them there.

3.1.4 The Production of Space and the formation of Little Fujian

Firstly, from the daily lives of Fujianese in North Point, including food, language, the Hokkien cuisine and so on are all the evidence of spatial practice.  Secondly, representation of space includes the history and development of North Point. Thirdly, the strong bonding and values of people there demonstrates the representational space. The mutual influence of these three concepts makes the space meaningful and cause the formation of a small community there, that is Little Fujian.

Figure 7. Spatial triad and formation of Little Fujian

(Source from authors)

As the relationship between North Point and Little Fujian is far-reaching and the bonding between people is strong. Fujianese there regard this as their second home. In order to further investigate the feelings and values of people towards Little Fujian, it brings us to the next section via analyzing with another concept.

3.2 Sense of place in Little Fujian

Little Fujian is important for Fujianese immigrants in Hong Kong. As most of the Fujianese may face language barriers when they arrive in Hong Kong, the Little Fujian can help them to adapt to the living environment as the gathering of Fujianese there can help them to cooperate and help each other to tackle the difficulties of living. At the same time, there are also abundant jobs available in North Point, especially Chun Yeung Street, as most of the shops and restaurants were operated by Fujianese owners, they were more willing to recruit Fujianese people. Meanwhile, Little Fujian also provides opportunities for them to sell native Fujian cuisines and products, which can attract numerous Fujianese customers. WIth the job opportunities and the corporations among residents, Little Fujian can achieve a high place of dependence on local Fujianese residents.

Apart from that, strong bonding and connections with the place were also built in North Point. A lot of clan associations like Fujian Province Association is operated there to provide services for Fujianese people, such as Fujian opera, mahjong etc. People will gather to meet each other’s in the association, and it enhances strong social interactions among Fujianese locally. As a result, most of the residents have already built close bonding with the place from childhood to adulthood. Although they will move out of North Point one day, they will never forget their roots have served there (Chang, 2014). Therefore, a strong place identity is also built and the Fujianese people will recognize themselves as a “North Point” person.

“Little Fujian” is special for local Fujianese as it can give them a sense of being “home”. Most of the shop owners in Chun Yeung Street are Fujianese, so it is common to hear the neighbors talking in Hokkien on the street, it makes them feel more familiar with the environment and feel like coming back to home. During our visit, we also observed that the customers would use Hokkien language in their conversations, which shows a close relationship among the residents. Some important memories can also be created there, such as Fujianses immigrants can enjoy the Fujian folk food in the Fujianese restaurants located at Chung Yuen Street. In short, the Fujianese will recognize North Point to be the representative place for them to gather and they will come to try the most authentic Fujiansese cuisine, achieving a high place attachment in North Point.

Figure 8. Fujianese restaurant in Chun Yeung Street (真真美食店)

(Source: Ming Pao,2021)

4.  Conclusion

To conclude, the formation of Little Fujian is analyzed through the production of space with three dimensions. We analyze the characteristics of Little Fujian through spatial practice, in which the authentic Fujianese food, housings that are full of Fujianese, Hokkien as common language, and special Fujianese activities there. Next, we explore the geographical change in North Point and the development history of Little Fujian that is deeply and permanently influenced by Fujianese via representations of space, followed by investigating the positive attitudes of people towards the neighbors and place thereby representational space. Little Fujian is eventually formed under the mutual influence of these three dimensions. To further understand the connection of people there with the place, the sense of place is applied for analysis. We evaluate the bonding between residents and Little Fujian through place dependence, sense of belongings for the place of people there by place attachment and closeness with the place of people via place attachment. It is observed that most of the people there connect with each other and the bonding between them and North Point is very strong that they recognize North Point as their home.

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Spatial Conflict and Justice in Public Space

Figure 1.A homeless sleeps in Hong Kong public area.
(Source: Ming Pao)

1.  Introduction

Yau Tsim Mong carries several characteristics contributing to the agglomeration of the homeless. It is one of the areas with the oldest buildings and the highest population density of 44,458 people per square in Hong Kong (HKSAR Census and Statistics Department, 2022), which contains multiple public facilities, such as a community center, park, sports field (Yau Tsim Mong District Council, 2015). It also has high accessibility as the hub of the central transport hub (Home Affairs Department, 2022). All these characteristics encourage the homeless to choose to stay in the Yau Tsim Mong areas. According to the area of distribution towards the homeless, most of the homeless are found in Kowloon, with an increasing number of 353 from 2015-2022(HKSAR Press Release, n.d.), while from the research from the Society for Community Organization, the research shows that there are 63% of homeless living in Kowloon West (Society for Community Organization, 2022). Under this observation, the project aims to investigate how the homeless use public spaces along the Yau Tsim Mong areas under the framework of social-spatial practice. 

2. Theoretical framework

With the rising numbers of the homeless and their agglomeration in Yau Tsim Mong mentioned above, we would like to apply one of the cultural geographical perspectives - social-spatial practice, to show the usage of public space towards the homeless and how they cause spatial conflicts with the stakeholders. According to the spatial theory suggested by Henri Lefebvre, social-spatial practice is equal to the behavior of people in space, which is an essential element in shaping the spatial structure of their daily life (Chan, 2008). In the space where people live, the urban users occupy and develop their living space by using their bodies and assets so that people can create their own social spaces that fit their lives. In other words, the homeless in Hong Kong extend their own social space in public areas through their bodies which recognize their urban spaces according to the actual needs of their daily life. They have this social spatial practice to strive for more living or survival spaces in these public social areas. However, with the insufficient public spaces in Yau Tsim Mong, how do spatial conflicts between the stakeholders limit or impede the social-spatial practice toward the homeless? The following will be our analysis.

3. Empirical Analysis

Spatial Conflict

There are two stakeholders which could cause spatial conflicts with the homeless and compress the usage of public spaces. The primary stakeholder is the Hong Kong government. Since they are responsible for avoiding obstruction and environmental hygiene problems in society, living in public areas would be counted as violating the social order. Therefore, the government would take action to stop the homeless from extending their living area in public spaces. For example, the government would hold joint operations to clear miscellaneous articles in the subway connecting to Hong Kong Cultural Centre (HKSAR Press Release, 2021). The clearance proposed by the government does not allow the homeless to use public spaces, which hinders their social-spatial practice. Moreover, with the alignment of urbanization, the Hong Kong government strives to beautify the community, but the homeless count as detrimental to social appearance. Thus, the government made numerous hostile architecture (Zhao, 2022), such as benches with wavy slopes, packed handles, like photo shown in Figure 1, such designs of public facilities intentionally disallow the homelessness sleep overnight in public areas like parks. With such pressure from the government, they are forced not to stay in public areas where the homeless limit social-spatial practices.

Figure 2. An example of hostile architecture.

(Source: Yi Lei Lam, HK01)

Another spatial conflict is between the community and the homeless. People living in Yau Tsim Mong do not have enough recreational areas for their leisure time. Each Mong Kok resident owns only 0.6 square meters, which is far below the standard of 2 square meters per capita set by the government 15 years ago (HK01, 2017). Meanwhile, people regard the homeless as harming the appearance of the community. Therefore, there is a phenomenon of "Not in My Backyard" (Wasserman& Clair, 2011), the community does not welcome the homeless, and their social-spatial practice is furtherly limited under the spatial conflicts.

Public Space for Intercultural Mixing

Figure 3. Homeless sleep at night in Cultural Centre, Tsim Sha Tsui

(Source: HK01)

Public space is decentered, mobile, open-ended, and embodied (Qian, 2022, p. 78). In the multidimensional definitions of public space, it is no longer just loosely categorized as "spaces for the public" and "spaces for private" (Qian, p. 79). With the nature of Throwntogetherness, public space is a situational, performative structure with complete functionality in the urban realm outside the home and private spaces (Massey, 2005, p. 140). During the privatization of public space, the homeless redefine "Home" in redundant spaces (Tang, 2019, p. 449-459).

Hong Kong is a region of diversity and inclusiveness, tolerant of people of different genders, races, classes, etc. Hong Kong has a large amount of land mixed with different uses and buildings of different values sharing the same public space. At the same time, as a member of society, the homeless deserve to preserve their values, and it is a part of Yau Tsim Mong's geographical traces that cannot be ignored. In an ideal public space, people collide with each other with their values and cultures. In the process, the conflict will be slowly dissolved, and each member can grind away their societal differences (Dyer, 2008, p. 207-213).

However, social workers pointed out that it is becoming more and more difficult for the homeless to survive in public spaces (RTHK, 2012). They pointed out in the interview program that the government's policy of suppressing the homeless, such as driving homeless people by cleaning the streets, forced them to go to more secluded spaces, making it more difficult for social workers to visit.

Spatial Justice in Public Space

Different scales (physical to global) and domains (land, environment, gender, resources, etc.) exist in spatial production and cause spatial inequality. The concept of spatial justice regards space and society as one entity and tries to practice changing (Ye, 2019, p. 146-154). However, justice is a complex concept related to value judgment and morality without a unified meaning. But social justice means "everyone can get what they deserve fairly" (Yu, 2017, p. 5-14).

Figure 4. Spatial Justice from three aspects
(Source: Jian, Luo & Chan, 2020)

Regarding the understanding of everyone's rights in space (see figure 4), the right to the city proposed by Lefebvre (1968) noted that everyone should be able to live with dignity in the city. Hong Kong is a highly urbanized city, but its rapid development often ignores a small number of interests. As members of the community, in the inherent impression, the homeless can easily be intuitively perceived as socially inactive and disliked by their neighbors. However, for the right to the city of the homeless, they have the right to a dignified living space. The land issue in Hong Kong has multi-dimensional reasons, but it is an inevitable conflict to keep citizens living with dignity. In this case, everyone should have the right to access public spaces, including the homeless. Meanwhile, people should not ignore the demand of social spatial practice towards the homeless, so their dignity is considered.

Solving conflicts between the homeless and the public requires a comprehensive social system, and the problem cannot be solved solely by changing the use of space. Therefore, how to reserve space for the privatization of the homeless in the city becomes a problem. Public space has its order, and how to balance urban governance and spatial justice requires a more comprehensive and thoughtful plan.

4.  Conclusion

To strive for more living and activity space, the homeless create a "home" with their bodies in the public space of Yau Tsim Mong District, practicing urban space. Coexisting with the homeless is supposed to present a culture of inclusion in Hong Kong. However, increasing spatial constraints make it difficult for the homeless to fight spatial conflicts and move to more secluded spaces. There are more and more restrictions on the daily space of the homeless, so open, flexible, and highly malleable public spaces and facilities are regulated. As the measures for public space are constantly changing and narrowing, at the same time, Hong Kong culture, which is supposed to be caring and tolerant, may be changing.

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